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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

EDUC.«\ 
PSYCH. 
LIBRARf 
BEQUEST 

OF 
ANITA  D.  S.  BLAKE 


*  Series, 


A   BOOK    OF 


AMERICAN  EXPLORERS 


BY 


THOMAS  WENTWORTH    HIGGINSON 

t| 

AUTHOR  OF  "YOUNG  FOLKS'  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,"  ETC. 


BOSTON 
LEE    AND     SHEPARD 

1877 


'  COPYRIGHT. 

THOMAS  WENTWORTH  HIGGINSON. 
1877- 


EDUfc. 
PSYCH. 
LIBRARY 


Electrotyped  and  Printed  by 

Rand,  Avery,  and  Company, 

7/7  Franklin  Street, 

Boston. 


GIF* 


DEDICATION. 

TO 

GEORGE  BARRELL  EMERSON, 

WITHOUT  WHOSE    COUNSEL    AND    WHOSE    EFFICIENT    KINDNESS    THIS 

HISTORICAL   SERIES   WOULD    NEVER    HAVE 

BEEN     UNDERTAKEN, 

THIS  VOLUME 

IS  RESPECTFULLY  AND  AFFECTIONATELY 
INSCRIBED. 


464 


PREFACE. 


IT  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  the  narratives  of 
the  early  discoverers  and  explorers  of  the  American 
coast  were  as  interesting  as  "  Robinson  Crusoe,"  and 
were,  indeed,  very  much  like  it.  This  has  led  me  to  make 
a  series  of  extracts  from  these  narratives,  selecting  what 
appeared  to  me  the  most  interesting  parts,  and  altering 
only  the  spelling.  The  grammar  is  not  always  correct ; 
but  it  would  be  impossible  to  alter  that  without  changing 
the  style  of  writing  too  much  :  so  it  has  not  been  changed 
at  all.  Wherever  it  has  seemed  necessary,  I  have  put  a 
word  of  my  own  in  brackets  [thus]  ;  but  all  else  is  the 
very  language  of  the  old  writers,  or  their  translators. 
Whenever  any  thing  has  been  omitted,  great  .or  small, 
the  place  is  marked  by  dots.  .  .  .  Some  of  the  hardest 
words  have  been  explained  by  footnotes. 

One  great  thing  which  I  have  wished  my  readers  to 
learn  is  the  charm  of  an  original  narrative.  We  should 
all  rather  hear  a  shipwreck  described  by  a  sailor  who 


VI  PREFACE. 

was  on  board  the  ship  than  to  read  the  best  account  of 
it  afterwards  prepared  by  the  most  skilful  writer.  What 
I  most  desire  is,  that  those  who  have  here  acquired  a 
taste  for  these  old  stories  should  turn  to  the  books  from 
which  the  extracts  are  taken,  and  follow  up  the  study 
for  themselves.  Then  they  can  go  with  renewed  in 
terest  to  the  pages  of  Bancroft  and  Parkman,  or  at 
least  to  my  own  "  Young  Folks'  History,"  for  the  thread 
on  which  these  quaint  narratives  may  be  strung. 

The  explorers  of  various  nations  are  represented  in 
this  book.  There  are  Northmen,  Italians,  Englishmen, 
Frenchmen,  Spaniards,  and  Dutchmen.  Where  the 
original  narrative  was  in  some  foreign  language,  that 
translation  has  been  chosen  which  gives  most  of  the 
spirit  of  the  original ;  and  Mr.  Cabot's  versions  of  the 
Norse  legends  were  especially  selected  for  this  reason. 
It  seemed  proper  to  begin  the  book  with  these  ;  and  it 
is  brought  down  to  the  time  when  the  Virginia  and 
Massachusetts  colonies,  with  that  of  the  New  Nether 
lands,  were  fairly  planted  on  the  American  shore. 

Possibly,  at  some  future  time,  I  may  recommence 
with  the  Massachusetts  colonies,  and  tell  their  story, 
down  to  the  Revolution ;  either  in  a  book  of  extracts, 
like  this,  or  in  my  own  words.  T.  W.  H. 

NEWPORT,  R.I.,  March  i,  1877. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


PAGE. 

I.  THE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN  (985-1008)   ....  i 

1.  How  the  Northmen  discovered  North  America  ....  3 

2.  The  Voyage  of  Leif  the  Lucky 6 

3.  Leif  finds  Vines,  and  goes  back  to  Greenland     ....  8 

4.  Thorvald,  Leif's  Brother,  goes  to  Vinland 10 

5.  Karlsefnfs  Adventures 12 

II.  COLUMBUS  AND  HIS  COMPANIONS  (1492-1503) 17 

1.  The  First  Letter  from  Columbus 19 

2.  The  Second  Voyage  of  Columbus 26 

3.  Columbus  reaches  the  Mainland 31 

4.  Columbus  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Orinoco 34 

5.  Columbus  thinks  himself  near  the  Earthly  Paradise    .     .  36 

6.  Daring  Deed  of  Diego  Mendez 39 

7.  How  Diego  Mendez  got  Food  for  Columbus 42 

8.  How  Diego  Mendez  saved  Columbus 45 

9.  Appeal  of  Columbus  in  his  Old  Age 51 

III.  CABOT  AND  VERKAZZANO  (1497-1524) 53 

1.  First  News  of  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot 55 

2.  Sebastian  Cabot's  Voyage 56 

3.  Verrazzano's  Letter  to  the  King 60 

IV.  THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA  (1528-1533)  71 

1.  The  Strange  Voyage 73 

2.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  saved  by  Indians  .     .     . 83 

3.  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  Captivity 88 

4.  The  Indians  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 91 

5.  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  Escape 93 

vii 


Vlll  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

V.  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA  (1534-1536) 97 

1.  Cartier's  Visit  to  Bay  of  Chaleur 99 

2.  Cartier  sets  up  a  Cross 102 

3.  Cartier  ascends  the  St.  Lawrence 104 

4.  How  the  Indians  tried  to  frighten  Cartier 108 

5.  How  Cartier  reached  Hochelaga,  now  Montreal  .     .     .•   .  in 

6.  The  Festivities  at  Hochelaga 114 

VI.  ADVENTURES  OF  DE  SOTO  (1538-1542) 119 

1.  -How  De  Soto  set  sail 121 

2.  De  Soto  attacks  the  Indians,  and  finds  a  Fellow  Country 

man     124 

3.  The  Story  of  John  Ortiz 127 

4.  De  Soto  discovers  the  Mississippi 131 

5.  De  Soto's  Vain  Attempts  to  reach  the  Sea 135 

6.  Death  and  Burial  of  De  Soto 138 

VII.  THE  FRENCH  IN  FLORIDA  (1562-1565) 141 

1.  Jean  Ribaut  in  Florida 143 

2.  Alone  in  the  New  World 149 

3.  Laudonniere's  Search  for  the  Colonists 156 

4.  Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  by  the  Spaniards 159 

VIII.  SIR  HUM'PHREY  GILBERT  ,  1583) 167 

.IX.  THE  LOST  COLONIES  OF  VIRGINIA  (1584-1590)    .     .     .     .175 

1.  The  First  Voyage  to  Virginia 177 

2.  Visit- to  an  Indian  Princess 184 

3.  Adventures  of  the  First  Virginia  Colony 186 

4.  The -Second  English  Colony  in  Virginia 189 

5.  Search  for  the  Lost  Colony 196 

X.  UNSUCCESSFUL  NEW  ENGLAND  SETTLEMENTS  (1602-1607)  201 

1.  Gosnold's  Fort  at  Cuttyhunk 203 

2.  Captain  Waymouth  explores  the  Penobscot 213 

3.  The  Popham  Colony  on  the  Kennebec 222 

4.  Captain  Gilbert's  Adventure  with  Indians 225 

XI.  CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH  (1606-1631) 229 

1.  The  Virginia  Colony 231 

2.  The  Colonists 234 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS.  IX 

PAGE. 

3.  Captain  Smith's  Capture  by  Indians 236 

4.  Captain  Smith  and  Pocahontas 241 

5.  King  Powhatan 247 

6.  A  Virginia  Princess 249 

7.  An  Indian  Dance  in  Virginia 250 

8.  Indian  Children 251 

9.  "  The  Planter's  Pleasure  and  Profit  " 253 

10.  The  Glories  of  Fishing     .   - 255 

11.  Visit  of  Pocahontas  to  London 257 

12.  First  Buildings  of  the  Virginia  Colonists 263 

13.  Captain  Smith's  Recollections 264 

XII.  CHAMPLAIN  ON  THE  WAR-PATH  (1609) 267 

XIII.  HENRY  HUDSON  AND  THE  NEW  NETHERLANDS  (1609-1626)  279 

1.  Discovery  of  the  Hudson  River 281 

2.  Indian  Traditions  of  Hudson's  Arrival 290 

3.  Hudson's  Last  Voyage,  and  how  he  was  set  adrift  in  the 

Ice 296 

4.  Dutch  Settlement  of  the  New  Netherlands 303 

XIV.  THE  PILGRIMS  AT  PLYMOUTH  (1620-1621) 309 

1.  Sailing- of  the  Pilgrims 311 

2.  Miles  Standish  at  Cape  Cod 312 

3.  The  First  Encounter 3*9 

4.  The  Landing  on  Plymouth  Rock 326 

5.  Plymouth  Village  founded 328 

6.  "  Welcome,  Englishmen  !" 333 

XV.  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  COLONY  (1629-1631)    .    .    .    .  339 

1.  Voyage  of  the  Massachusetts  Colonists 341 

2.  The  Puritans  in  Salem  Harbor 343 

3.  The  Four  Elements  in  New  England 346 

4.  A  Sea- Adventure  of  the  Puritans 355 

5.  Governor  Winthrop's  Night  out  of  Doors 357 

6.  The  Privations  of  the  Puritans 358 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

DESIGNED  AND    ENGRAVED    UNDER  THE    SUPERVISION    OF 
GEORGE  T.  ANDREW. 


PAGE. 

1.  Columbus  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Orinoco  (full  page)      .     .Frontispiece, 

2.  A  Norse  Ship 4 

3.  Esquimau  Boat 13 

4.  Dutch  Man-of-War 15 

5.  Reception  of  Columbus  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 18 

6.  Fleet  of  Columbus 35 

7.  Ship  of  the  Fifteenth  Century 54 

8.  Portrait  of  Verrazzano 60 

9.  Verrazzano  in  Newport  Harbor 63 

10.  Indians  making  Canoes 65 

11.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  building  the  Boat 74 

12.  Portrait  of  Jacques  Cartier 100 

13.  Cartier  raising  a  Cross  on  the  St.  Charles  River  (full  page)  .     .     .  102 

14.  Indians  trying  to  frighten  Cartier 108 

15.  Portrait  of  De  Soto 121 

16.  Landing  of  Da  Soto 125 

17.  Burial  of  De  Soto  (full  page) 139 

18.  Indians  in  Canoe - 142 

19.  Ribaut's  Pillar  decorated  by  Indians  (full  page) 157 

20.  Fort  Caroline 160 

21.  Portrait  of  Menendez 164 

22.  Indian  Village  in  Virginia 184 

xi 


Xll  LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

23.  Baptism  of  First  Child  in  Virginia Xo- 

24.  The  Explorers  looking  at  the  Tree ". !q7 

25.  Palisaded  Town 200 

26.  Gosnold's  Fort 20g 

27.  Captain  Weymouth  sailing  up  the  Penobscot  (full  page)  .     .     .     .220 

28.  Portrait  of  James  1 222 

29.  Old  Print  of  Smith's  Capture 237 

30.  Facsimile  Illustration  of  Pocahontas  saving  the  Life  of  Smith     .  244 

31.  Indian  Dance 2rO 

32.  Cod-Fishing 2_, 

33.  Portrait  of  Pocahontas 259 

34.  Portrait  of  Champlain 2jo 

35.  Champlain  on  the  War-Path  (full  page) 277 

36.  Hudson  in  the  Highlands  (full  page) 286 

37.  Indians  on  Board  "  The  Half-Moon  " 289 

38.  Settlement  on  the  Hudson  River 306 

39.  Delph's  Haven ~i2 

40.  "The  Mayflower"  in  Provincetown -si-> 

41.  Portrait  of  Governor  Winslow 120 

42..  Sword  of  Standi>h 325 

43.  Sunday  on  Clark's  Island -727 

44.  Landing  of  Mary  Chilton -,->l 

45.  Meeting  of  Captain  Standish  and  Massasoit  (full  page)    .    .    .    .333 

46.  Governor  Carver's  Chair '  .        ~-,j 

47.  Portrait  of  Francis  Higginson ^42 

48.  Governor  Endicott 345 

49.  First  Church  in  Salem ^,7 

50.  Old  Planter's  House  at  Salem 3^ 

51.  Portrait  of  Governor  Winthrop -^7 

52.  Famine  among  the  Pilgrims ,        359 


BOOK   I. 

THE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 

(A.D.   985-1008.) 


THESE  extracts  are  taken  from  two  Icelandic  works  called  Thattr 
Eireks  Randa  (the  piece  about  Eirek  the  Red)  and'  Graenlendinga  Thdtt 
(the  piece  about  the  Greenlanders).  These  passages  were  translated  by 
J.Elliot  Cabot,  Esq.,  and  were  published  in  "The  Massachusetts  Quar 
terly  Review"  for  March,  1849. 

It  is  now  the  general  belief  of  historians,  that  these  legends  are  mainly 
correct ;  and  that  the  region  described  as  Vinland  was  a  part  of  the  North- 
American  Continent.  Beyond  this  we  do  not  know.  The  poet  Whittier 
has  written  thus  of  these  early  explorers,  in  his  poem  called  "The  Norse- 


;  What  sea-worn  barks  are  those  which  throw 
The  light  spray  from  each  rushing  prow  ? 
Have  they  not  in  the  North  Sea's  blast 
Bowed  to  the  waves  the  straining  mast  ? 
Their  frozen  sails  the  low,  pale  sun 
Of  Thule's  night  has  shone  upon  ; 
Flapped  by  the  sea-wind's  gusty  sweep, 
Round  icy  drift  and  headland  steep. 
Wild  Jutland's  wives  and  Lochlin's  daughters 
Have  watched  them  fading  o'er  the  waters, 
Lessening  through  driving  mist  and  spray, 
Like  white-winged  sea-birds  on  their  way. 

Onward  they  glide  ;  and  now  I  view 
Their  iron-armed  and  stalwart  crew  : 
Joy  glistens  in  each  wild  blue  eye 
Turned  to  green  earth  and  summer  sky : 
Each  broad,  seamed  breast  has  cast  aside 
Its  cumbering  vest  of  shaggy  hide  : 
Bared  to  the  sun,  and  soft  warm  air, 
Streams  back  the  Norseman's  yellow  hair. 
I  see  the  gleam  of  axe  and  spear ; 
The  sound  of  smitten  shields  I  hear, 
Keeping  a  harsh  and  fitting  time 
To  Saga's  chant  and  Runic  rhyme." 


THE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 


I.  —  How  THE  NORTHMEN  DISCOVERED  NORTH 
AMERICA. 

[About  the  year  860,  a  Danish  sailor  named  Gardar  was  driven  upon 
the  shores  of  Iceland,  after  which  that  island  was  settled  by  a  colony 
from  Norway.  About  a  hundred  years  later,  Greenland  was  settled  from 
Iceland ;  Eirek  the  Red  being  the  first  to  make  the  voyage.  With  him 
went  one  Heriulf,  whose  son  Biarni  had  been  in  the  habit  of  passing  every 
other  winter  with  his  father,  and  then  sailing  on  distant  voyages.  Then 
happened  what  follows.] 

THAT  same  summer  (985  or  986)  came  Biarni  with 
his  ship  to  Eyrar  (Iceland),  in  the  spring  of  which 
his  father  had  sailed  from  the  island.  These  tidings 
seemed  to  Biarni  weighty,  and  he  would  not  unload  his 
ship.  Then  asked  his  sailors 1  what  he  meant  to  do. 
He  answered,  that  he  meant  to  hold  to  his  wont,2  and 
winter  with  his  father;  "and  I  will  bear  for  Greenland, 
if  you  will  follow  me  thither."  All  said  they  would  do 
as  he  wished.  Then  said  Biarni,  "  Imprudent  they  will 
think  our  voyage,  since  none  of  us  has  been  in  the 
Greenland  Sea." 

1  i.e.,  his  sailors  asked.         2  Custom. 

3 


4  THE    LEGENDS    OF    THE    NORTHMEN. 

Yet  they  bore  out  to  sea  as  soon  as  they  were  bound,1 
and  sailed  three  days,  till  the  land  was  sunk.2  Then 
the  fair  wind  fell  off,  and  there  arose  north  winds  and 
fogs,  and  they  knew  not  whither  they  fared  ;  and  so  it 
went  for  many  days.  After  that,  they  saw  the  sun,  and 
could  then  get  their  bearings.  Then  they  hoisted  sail, 
and  sailed  that  day  before  they  saw  land  ;  and  they 
counselled  with  themselves  what  land  that  might  be. 


A   NORSE  SHIP. 


But  Biarni  said  he  thought  it  could  not  be  Greenland. 
They  asked  him  whether  he  would  sail  to  the  land,  or 
not.  "This  is  my  counsel,  to  sail  nigh  to  the  land," 
said  he.  And  so  they  did,  and  soon  saw  that  the  land 
was  without  fells,3  and  wooded,  and  small  heights  on 
the  land ;  and  they  left  the  land  to  larboard,  and  let  the 

1  Or  "  made  ready,"  as  we  say  a  ship  is  bound  for  Liverpool. 

2  Disappeared  below  the  horizon. 

3  Mountains.     This  has  been  supposed  to  be  Cape  Cod. 


THE    NORTHMEN    DISCOVER    NORTH    AMERICA.  5 

foot  of  the  sail  look  towards  land.1  After  that,  they 
sailed  two  days  before  they  saw  another  land.  They 
asked  if  Biarni  thought  this  was  Greenland.  He  said 
he  thought  it  no  more  Greenland  than  the  first ;  "  for 
the  glaciers  are  very  huge,  as  they  say,  in  Greenland." 
They  soon  neared  the  land,  and  saw  that  it  was  flat 
land,  and  overgrown  with  wood.2  Then  the  fair  wind 
fell.  Then  the  sailors  said  that  it  seemed  prudent  to 
them  to  land  there;  but  Biarni  would  not.  They 
thought  they  needed  both  wood  and  water.  "  Of 
neither  are  you  in  want,"  said  Biarni ;  but  he  got  some 
hard  speeches  for  that  from  his  sailors.  He  bade  them 
hoist  sail,  and  so  they  did  ;  and  they  turned  the  bows 
from  the  land,  and  sailed  out  to  sea  with  a  west-south 
wind  three  days,  and  saw  a  third  land ;  but  that  land 
was  high,  mountainous,  and  covered  with  glaciers.3 
They  asked  then  if  Biarni  would  put  ashore  there ;  but 
he  said  he  would  not,  "  for  this  land  seems  to  me  not 
very  promising."  They  did  not  lower  their  sails,  but 
held  on  along  this  land,  and  saw  that  it  was  an  island  ; 
but  they  turned  the  stern  to  the  land,  and  sailed  sea 
wards  with  the  same  fair  wind.  But  the  wind  rose ;  and 
Biarni  bade  them  shorten  sail,  and  not  to  carry  more 
than  their  ship  and  tackle  would  bear.  They  sailed 
now  four  days,  then  saw  they  land  the  fourth.  Then 
they  asked  Biarni  whether  he  thought  that  was  Green 
land,  or  not.  Biarni  answered,  "  That  is  likest  to  what 
is  said  to  me  of  Greenland ;  and  we  will  put  ashore." 
So  they  did,  and  landed  under  a  certain  ness  4  at  even 
ing  of  the  day.  And  there  was  a  boat  at  the  ness,  and 

1  i.e.,  sailed  away  from  the  land.        2  Possibly  Nova  Scotia. 
3  Possibly  Newfoundland.  «  Cape,  or  nose,  of  land. 


6          THE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 

there  lived  Heriulf,  the  father  of  Biarni,  on  this  ness ; 
and  from  him  has  the  ness  taken  its  name,  and  is  since 
called  Heriulfsness.  Now  fared  x  Biarni  to  his  father, 
and  gave  up  sailing,  and  was  with  his  father  whilst 
Heriulf  lived,  and  afterwards  lived  there  after  his  father. 

II.  —  THE  VOYAGE   OF   LEIF  THE   LUCKY. 

[After  Biarni  had  reached  the  Greenland  settlement,  and  told  his  story, 
he  was  blamed  for  not  having  explored  these  unknown  lands  more  care 
fully  ;  and  Leif  the  Lucky  bought  Biarni's  vessel,  and  set  sail  with  thirty- 
five  companions,  to  see  what  he  could  discover.] 

(A.D.  999.)  First  they  found  the  land  which  Biarni 
had  found  last.  Then  sailed  they  to  the  land,  and  cast 
anchor,  and  put  off  a  boat,  and  went  ashore,  and  saw 
there  no  grass.  Mickle 2  glaciers  were  over  all  the 
higher  parts  ;  but  it  was  like  a  plain  of  rock  from  the 
glaciers  to  the  sea,  and  it  seemed  to  them  that  the  land 
was  good  for  nothing.  Then  said  Leif,  "  We  have  not 
done  about  this  land  like  Biarni,  not  to  go  upon  it :  now 
I  will  give  a  name  to  the  land,  and  call  it  Helluland 
(flat-stone  land)."  8  Then  they  went  to  their  ship.  After 
that  they  sailed  into  the  sea,  and  found  another  land, 
sailed  up  to  it,  and  cast  anchor ;  then  put  off  a  boat, 
and  went  ashore.  This  land  was  flat,  and  covered  with 
wood  and  broad  white  sands  wherever  they  went,  and 
the  shore  was  low.  Then  said  Leif,  "  From  its  make  4 
shall  a  name  be  given  to  this  land  ;  and  it  shall  be  called 
Mark! and  (Woodland)."  5  Then  they  went  quickly 

1  Went.        2  Great. 

3  Perhaps  Labrador,  where  flat  stones  abound,  or  Newfoundland. 

4  Form.         5  Perhaps  Nova  Scotia. 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  LEIF  THE  LUCKY.          7 

down  to  the  vessel.  Now  they  sailed  thence  into  the 
sea  with  a  north-east  wind,  and  were  out  two  days 
before  they  saw  land ;  and  they  sailed  to  land,  and  came 
to  an  island  that  lay  north  of  the  land ;  and  they  went 
on  to  it,  and  looked  about  them  in  good  weather,  and 
found  that  dew  lay  upon  the  grass  j1  and  that  happened 
that  they  put  their  hands  in  the  dew,  and  brought  it  to 
their  mouths,  and  they  thought  they  had  never  known 
any  thing  so  sweet  as  that  was.  Then  they  went  to 
their  ship,  and  sailed  into  that  sound  that  lay  between 
the  island  and  a  ness  2  which  went  northward  from  the 
land,  and  then  steered  westward  past  the  ness.  There 
were  great  shoals  at  ebb-tide;  and  their  vessel  stood 
up  ; 3  and  it  was  far  to  see  from  the  ship  to  the  sea. 
But  they  were  so  curious  to  fare  to  the  land,  that  they 
could  not  bear  to  bide  till  the  sea  came  under  their 
ship,  and  ran  ashore  where  a  river  flows  out  from  a 
lake.  But,  when  the  sea  came  under  their  ship,  then 
took  they  the  boat,  and  rowed  to  the  ship,  and  took  it 
up  into  the  river,  and  then  into  the  lake,  and  there  cast 
anchor,  and  bore  from  the  ship  their  skin-cots,4  and 
made  their  booths. 

Afterwards  they  took  counsel  to  stay  there  that 
winter,  and  made  there  great  houses.  There'  was  no 
scarcity  of  salmon  in  the  rivers  and  lakes,  and  larger 
salmon  than  they  had  before  seen.  There  was  the 
land  so  good,  as  it  seemed  to  them,  that  no  cattle  would 
want  fodder  for  the  winter.  There  came  no  frost  in  the 
winter,  and  little  did  the  grass  fall  off  there.  Day 

1  Perhaps  honey-dew,  a  sweet  substance  left  on  grass  by  an  insect 
called  aphis.  2  Cape.  3  i.e.,  was  left  aground. 

4  Cots  used  to  sleep  in,  and  made  of  skin. 


8  THE    LEGENDS    OF    THE    NORTHMEN. 

and  night  were  more  equal  there  than  in  Greenland  or 
Iceland.  .  .  .  But  when  they  had  ended  their  house 
building,  then  said  Leif  to  his  companions,  "  Now  let 
our  company  be  divided  into  two  parts,  and  the  land 
kenned ; 1  and  one  half  of  the  people  shall  be  at  the 
house  at  home,  but  the  other  half  shall  ken  the  land, 
and  fare  not  further  than  that  they  may  come  home  at 
evening,  and  they  shall  not  separate."  Now  so  they  did 
one  time.  Leif  changed  about,  so  that  he  went  with 
them  (one  day)  and  (the  next)  was  at  home  at  the  house. 
Leif  was  a  mickle  2  man  and  stout,  most  noble  to  see,  a 
wise  man,  and  moderate  in  all  things. 


III.  —  LEIF   FINDS   VINES,   AND   GOES   BACK   TO 
GREENLAND. 

ONE  evening  it  chanced  that  a  man  was  wanting 
of  their  people ;  and  this  was  Tyrker,  the  Southerner.8 
Leif  took  this  very  ill ;  for  Tyrker  had  been  long  with 
his  parents,  and  loved  Leif  much  in  his  childhood. 
Leif  now  chid  his  people  sharply,  and  made  ready  to 
fare  forth  to  seek  him,  and  twelve  men  with  him.  But 
when  they  had  gone  a  little  way,  there  came  Tyrker  to 
meet  them,  and  was  joyfully  received.  Leif  found  at 
once  that  his  old  friend  was  somewhat  out  of  his  mind  : 
he  was  bustling  and  unsteady-eyed,  freckled  in  face, 
little  and  wizened  in  growth,  but  a  man  of  skill  in  all 
arts.  Then  said  Leif  to  him,  "  Why  wert  thou  so  late, 
my  fosterer,4  and  separated  from  the  party  ? "  He 

1  Surveyed.  '2  Large.  3  German. 

4  Foster-father,  or  perhaps  foster-brother. 


LEIF    FINDS    VINES,    AND    RETURNS.  9 

talked  at  first  a  long  while  in  German,  and  rolled  many 
ways  his  eyes,  and  twisted  his  face ;  but  they  skilled 
not  what  he  said.  He  said  then  in  Norse,  after  a  time, 
"  I  went  not  very  far ;  but  I  have  great  news  to  tell.  I 
have  found  grape-vines  and  grapes."  —  "Can  that  be 
true,  my  fosterer  ? "  quoth  Leif.  "  Surely  it  is  true," 
quoth  he ;  "  for  I  was  brought  up  where  there  is  no 
want  of  grape-vines  or  grapes."  Then  they  slept  for 
the  night ;  but  in  the  morning  Leif  said  to  his  sailors, 
"  Now  we  shall  have  two  jobs :  each  day  we  will  either 
gather  grapes,  or  hew  grape-vines,  and  fell  trees,  so 
there  will  be  a  cargo  for  my  ship  ; "  and  that  was  the 
counsel  taken.  It  is  said  that  their  long  boat  was  filled 
with  grapes.  Now  was  hewn  a  cargo  for  the  ship; 
And  when  spring  came  they  got  ready,  and  sailed  off ; 
and  Leif  gave  a  name  to  the  land  after  its  sort,  and 
called  it  Vinland  (Wine-Land).  They  sailed  then  after 
wards  into  the  sea,  and  had  a  fair  wind  until  they  saw 
Greenland,  and  the  fells  l  under  the  glaciers.  .  .  .  After 
that  he  was  called  Leif  the  Lucky/  Leif  was  now 
both  well  to  do  and  honored.  .  .  . 

Now  there  was  a  great  talk  about  Leif's  Vinland 
voyage  ;  and  Thorvald,  his  brother,  thought  the  land 
had  been  too  little  explored.  Then  said  Leif  to  Thor 
vald,  "Thou  shalt  go  with  my  ship,  brother,  if  thou 
wilt,  to  Vinland."  2 

1  Mountains. 

2  There  has  been  much  difference  of  opinion  as  to  where  Vinland  was. 
Some  think  that  it  was  Nantucket ;  others,  the  island  of  Conanicut  in 
Narragansett  Bay ;  and  others,  some  place  much  farther  north  and  east. 
See  Costa's  "  Pre-Columbian  Discovery  of  North  America,"  Anderson's 
"  Norsemen  in  America,"  Kohl's  "  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  East 
Coast  of  North  America,"  published  by  the  Maine  Historical  Society, 


10        THE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 


IV. — THORVALD,  LEIF'S  BROTHER,  GOES  TO  VINLAND. 

Now  Thorvald  made  ready  for  this  voyage  with  thirty 
men,  with  the  counsel  thereon  of  Leif,  his  brother. 
Then  they  fitted  out  their  ship,  and  bore  out  to  sea 
(A.D.  1002):  and  there  is  nothing  told  of  their  voyage 
before  they  came  to  Vinland,  to  Leif's  booths;  and  they 
laid  up  their  ship,  and  dwelt  in  peace  there  that  winter, 
and  caught  fish  for  their  meat.  But  in  the  spring, 
Thorvald  said  they  would  get  ready  their  ship,  and  send 
their  long-boat,  and  some  men  with  it,  along  to  the 
westward  of  the  land,  and  explore  it  during  the  summer. 
The  land  seemed  to  them  fair  and  woody,  and  narrow 
between  the  woods  and  the  sea,  and  of  white  sand. 
There  were  many  islands  and  great  shoals.  They  found 
neither  man's  abode  nor  beast's ;  but,  on  an  island  to 
the  westward,  they  found  a  corn-shed  of  wood.  More 
works  of  men  they  found  not ;  and  they  went  back,  and 
came  to  Leif's  booths  in  the  fall.  But  the  next  summer 
fared  Thorvald  eastward  with  the  merchant-ship,  and 
coasted  to  the  northward.  Here  a  heavy  storm  arose 
as  they  were  passing  one  of  two  capes,  and  drove  them 
up  there,  and  broke  the  keel  under  the  ship ;  and  they 
dwelt  there  long,  and  mended  their  ship.  Then  said 
Thorvald  to  his  companions,  "  Now  will  I  that  we  raise 
up  here  the  keel  on  the  ness,1  and  call  it  Keel  ness  ; "  2 
and  so  they  did. 

After  that,  they  sailed  thence,  and  coasted  to  the 
eastward,  and  into  the  mouths  of  the  firths 3  that  were 
nearest  to  them,  and  to  a  headland  that  stretched  out. 

i  Cape.        2  Possibly  Cape  Cod.         3  Bays. 


THORVALD,    LETF'S    BROTHER,    GOES   TO   VINLAND.      II 

This  was  all  covered  with  wood  :  here  they  brought  the 
ship  into  harbor,  and  shoved  a  bridge  on  to  the  land, 
and  Thorvald  went  ashore  with  all  his  company.  He 
said  then,  "  Here  it  is  fair,  and  here  would  I  like  to 
raise  my  dwelling."  They  went  then  to  the  ship,  and 
saw  upon  the  sands  within  the  headland  three  heights  ; 
and  they  went  thither,  and  saw  there  three  skin-boats, 
and  three  men  under  each.  Then  they  divided  their 
people,  and  laid  hands  on  them  all,  except  one  that  got 
off  with  his  boat.  They  killed  these  eight,  and  went 
then  back  to  the  headland,  and  looked  about  them  there, 
and  saw  in  the  firth  some  heights,  and  thought  they 
were  dwellings.  After  that  there  came  a  heaviness  on 
them  so  great  that  they  could  not  keep  awake ;  and  all 
slumbered.  Then  came  a  call  above  them,  so  that  they 
all  awoke.  Thus  said  the  call,  "  Awake,  Thorvald,  and 
all  thy  company,  if  thou  wilt  keep  thy  life ;  and  fare  thou 
to  thy  ship,  and  all  thy  men,  and  fare  from  the  land  of 
the  quickest."  l  Then  came  from  the  firth  innumerable 
skin-boats,  and  made  toward  them. 

Throvald  said  then,  "  We  will  set  up  our  battle-shields, 
and  guard  ourselves  the  best  we  can,  but  fight  little 
against  them."  So  they  did,  and  the  Skraelings  2  shot 
at  them  for  a  while,  but  then  fled,  each  as  fast  as  he 
could.  Then  Thorvald  asked  his  men  if  any  of  them 
was  hurt :  they  said  they  were  not  hurt.  "  I  have  got 
a  hurt  under  the  arm,"  said  he  ;  "  for  an  arrow  flew 
between  the  bulwarks  and  the  shield  under  my  arm  ; 
and  here  is  the  arrow,  and  that  will  be  my  death.  Now 
I  counsel  that  ye  make  ready  as  quickly  as  may  be  to 
return  ;  but  ye  shall  bear  me  to  the  headland  which  I 

1  i  e.,  as  quickly  as  possible.         2  Probably  Esquimaux,  or  Indians. 


12        THE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 

thought  the  likeliest  place  to  build.  It  may  be  it  was 
a  true  word  I  spoke,  that  I  should  dwell  there  for  a 
time.  There  ye  shall  bury  me,  and  set  crosses  at  my 
head  and  feet,  and  call  it  Krossanes l  henceforth." 
Greenland  was  then  Christianized ;  but  Eirek  the  Red 
had  died  before  Christianity  came  thither. 

Now  Thorvald  died ;  but  they  did  every  thing  accord 
ing  as  he  had  said,  and  then  went  and  found  their  com 
panions,  and  told  each  other  the  news  they  had  to  tell, 
and  lived  there  that  winter,  and  gathered  grapes  and 
vines  for  loading  the  ship.  Then  in  the  spring  they 
made  ready  to  sail  for  Greenland,  and  came  with  their 
ship  to  Eireksfirth,  and  had  great  tidings  to  tell  to 
Leif. 

V.  —  KARLSEFNI'S   ADVENTURES. 

[Karlsefni,  a  rich  Norwegian,  came  to  Greenland,  staid  at  LeiFs  house, 
married  a  wife,  and  was  finally  persuaded  to  bring  a  colony  of  sixty  men 
and  five  women  to  Vinland.] 

THIS  agreement  made  Karlsefni  and  his  seamen,  that 
they  should  have  even  handed  2  all  that  they  should 
get  in  the  way  of  goods.  They  had  with  them  all  sorts 
of  cattle,  as  they  thought  to  settle  there  if  they  might. 
Karlsefni  begged  Leif  for  his  house  in  Vinland  ;  but 
he  said  he  would  lend  him  the  house,  but  not  give  it. 
Then  they  bore  out  to  the  sea  with  the  ship,  and  came 
to  Leif's  booths,  hale  and  whole,  and  landed  there  their 
cattle.  There  soon  came  into  their  hands  a  great  and 
good  prize ;  for  a  whale  was  driven  ashore,  both  great 
and  good ;  then  they  went  to  cut  up  the  whale,  and 

1  Cross  Cape,  or  Cape  of  the  Cross.         2  i.e.,  in  equal  shares. 


KARLSEFNl'S    ADVENTURES.  13 

had  no  scarcity  of  food.  The  cattle  went  up  into  the 
country ;  and  it  soon  happened  that  the  male  cattle 
became  wild  and  unruly.  They  had  with  them  a  bull. 
Karlsefni  had  wood  felled,  and  brought  to  the  ship,  and 
had  the  wood  piled  on  the  cliff  to  dry.  They  had  all 
the  good  things  of  the  country,  both  of  grapes,  and  of 
all  sorts  of  game  and  other  things. 

After  the  first  winter  came  the  summer ;  then  they 
saw  appear  the  Skraelings,  and  there  came  from  out 
the  wood  a  great  number  of  men.  Near  by  were  their 
neat-cattle ;  and  the  bull  took  to  bellowing,  and  roared 
loudly,  whereat  the  Skrael 
ings  were  frightened,  and 
ran  off  with  their  bundles. 
These  were  furs  and  sable- 
skins,  and  skin-wares  of  all 
kinds.  And  they  turned 

toward  Karlsefni's  booths,  and  wanted  to  get  into  the 
house ;  but  Karlsefni  had  the  doors  guarded.  Neither 
party  understood  the  other's  language.  Then  the 
Skraelings  took  down  their  bags,  and  opened  them, 
and  offered  them  for  sale,  and  wanted,  above  all,  to 
have  weapons  for  them.  But  Karlsefni  forbade  them 
to  sell  weapons.  He  took  this  plan  :  he  bade  the 
women  bring  out  their  dairy-stuff  1  for  them ;  and,  so 
soon  as  they  saw  this,  they  would  have  that,  and  noth 
ing  more.  Now  this  was  the  way  the  Skraelings 
traded :  they  bore  off  their  wares  in  their  stomachs. 
But  Karlsefni  and  his  companions  had  their  bags  and 
skin-wares,  and  so  they  parted.  Now  hereof  is  this  to 
say,  that  Karlsefni  had  posts  driven  strongly  round 

1  Milk,  butter,  &c. 


14        THE  LEGENDS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 


his  booths,  and  made  all  complete.  At  this  time 
Gudrid,  the  wife  of  Karlsefni,  bore  a  man-child,  and 
he  was  called  Snorri.  In  the  beginning  of  the  next 
winter  the  Skraelings  came  to  them  again,  and  were 
many  more  than  before  ;  and  they  had  the  same  wares 
as  before.  Then  Karlsefni  said  to  the  women,  "  Now 
bring  forth  the  same  food  that  was  most  liked  before, 
and  no  other."  And,  when  they  saw  it,  they  cast  their 
bundles  in  over  the  fence.  .  .  .  [But  one  of  them 
being  killed  by  one  of  Karlsefni's  men,  they  all  fled 
in  haste,  and  left  their  garments  and  wares  behind.] 
"  Now  I  think  we  need  a  good  counsel,"  said  Karlsefni  ; 
"  for  I  think  they  will  come  for  the  third  time  in  anger, 
and  with  many  men.  Now  we  must  do  this  :  ten  men 
must  go  out  on  that  ness,1  and  show  themselves  there  ; 
but  another  party  must  go  into  the  wood,  and  hew  a 
place  for  our  neat-cattle  when  the  foe  shall  come  from 
the  wood  ;  and  we  must  take  the  bull,  and  let  him  go 
before  us."  But  thus  it  was  with  the  place  where  they 
thought  to  meet,  that  a  lake  was  on  one  side,  and  the 
wood  on  the  other.  Now  it  was  done  as  Karlsefni  had 
said.  Now  came  the  Skraelings  to  the  place  where 
Karlsefni  had  thought  should  be  the  battle  ;  and  now 
there  was  a  battle,  and  many  of  the  Skraelings  fell. 

There  was  one  large  and  handsome  man  among  the 
Skraelings  ;  and  Karlsefni  thought  he  might  be  their 
leader.  Now  one  of  the  Skraelings  had  taken  up  an 
axe,  and  looked  at  it  a  while,  and  struck  at  one  of  his 
fellows,  and  hit  him,  whereupon  he  fell  dead  ;  then  the 
large  man  took  the  axe,  and  looked  at  it  a  while,  and 
threw  it  into  the  sea  as  far  as  he  could.  But  after  that 
i  Cape. 


KARLSEFNIS    ADVENTURES.  15 

they  fled  to  the  wood,  each  as  fast  as  he  could ;  and 
thus  ended  the  strife.  Karlsefni  and  his  companions 
were  there  all  that  winter ;  but  in  the  spring  Karlsefni 
said  he  would  stay  there  no  longer,  and  would  fare  to 
Greenland.  Now  they  made  ready  for  the  voyage,  and 
bare  thence  much  goods,  namely,  grape-vines  and 
grapes  and  skin-wares.  Now  they  sailed  into  the  sea, 
and  came  whole  with  their  ships  to  Eireksfirth,  and 
were  there  that  winter. 


DUTCH    MAN-OF-WAR. 


BOOK    II. 

COLUMBUS  AND  HIS  COMPANIONS. 

(A.D.  1492-1503.) 


RECEPTION    OF   COLUMBUS    BY    FERDINAND  AND   ISABELLA. 


The  following  passages  are  taken  from  "Select  Letters  of  Christopher 
Columbus,"  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  ^  London,   1847,  pp.  1-17, 

20-22,     27,     33-36,     40-42,     II4-I2I,     129-138,     200-202,     205-210,     214-225. 

These  letters  were  translated  by  R.  H.  Major,  Esq.,  of  the  British  Mu 
seum. 


COLUMBUS  AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


I. — THE  FIRST  LETTER  FROM  COLUMBUS. 

[This  letter  was  written  on  board  ship,  by  Columbus,  March  14,  1493, 
"  to  the  noble  Lord  Raphael  Sanchez,  Treasurer  to  their  most  invincible 
Majesties,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  King  and  Queen  of  Spain."  It  was 
written  in  Spanish,  but  the  original  is  supposed  to  be  lost.  Latin  trans 
lations  of  it  were  made  and  published  in  different  cities ;  and  a  poetical 
translation  was  made  in  Italian,  and  was  sung  about  the  streets  of  Italy. 

TV"  NOWING  that  it  will  afford  you  pleasure  to  learn 
JL\^.  that  I  have  brought  my  undertaking  to  a  success 
ful  termination,  I  have  decided  upon  writing  you  this 
letter  to  acquaint  you  with  all  the  events  which  have 
occurred  in  my  voyage,  and  the  discoveries  which  have 
resulted  from  it.  Thirty-three  days  after  my  departure 
from  Cadiz,  I  reached  the  Indian  Sea,1  where  I  dis 
covered  many  islands,  thickly  peopled,  of  which  I  took 
possession,  without  resistance,  in  the  name  of  our  most 
illustrious  Monarch,  by  public  proclamation  and  with 
unfurled  banners.  To  the  first  of  these  islands,  which 

1  Columbus  always  supposed  that  he  had  reached  India,  and  therefore 
always  called  the  natives  Indians. 


20  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

is  called  by  the  Indians  Guanahani,  I  gave  the  name 
of  the  blessed  Saviour  (San  Salvador),  relying  upon 
whose  protection  I  had  reached  this  as  well  as  the 
other  islands.  To  each  of  these  I  also  gave  a  name, 
ordering  that  one  should  be  called  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Concepcion  ;  another,  Fernandina ;  the  third,  Isabella  ; 
the  fourth,  Juana ;  and  so  with  all  the  rest  respectively. 
As  soon  as  we  arrived  at  that,  which,  as  I  have  said, 
was  named  Juana,1  I  proceeded  along  its  coast  a  short 
distance  westward,  and  found  it  to  be  so  large,  and 
apparently  without  termination,  that  I  could  not  sup 
pose  it  to  be  an  island,  but  the  continental  province  of 
Cathay.2  Seeing,  however,  no  towns  or  populous  places 
on  the  seacoast,  but  only  a  few  detached  houses  and 
cottages,  with  whose  inhabitants  I  was  unable  to  com 
municate,  because  they  fled  as  soon  as  they  saw  us,  I 
went  further  on,  thinking,  that,  in  my  progress,  I  should 
certainly  find  some  city  or  village. 

At  length,  after  proceeding  a  great  way,  and  finding 
that  nothing  new  presented  itself,  and  that  the  line  of 
coast  was  leading  us  northwards,  I  resolved  not  to  at 
tempt  any  further  progress,  but  rather  to  turn  back,  and 
retrace  my  course  to  a  certain  bay  that  I  had  observed, 
and  from  which  I  afterwards  despatched  two  of  our  men 
to  ascertain  whether  there  were  a  king  or  any  cities  in 
that  province.  These  men  reconnoitred  the  country  for 
three  days,  and  found  a  most  numerous  population,  and 
great  numbers  of  houses,  though  small,  and  built  with 
out  any  regard  to  order ;  with  which  information  they 
returned  to  us.  In  the  mean  time,  I  had  learned  from 
some  Indians  whom  I  had  seized,  that  that  country  was 

1  Cuba.  2  Or  Tartary. 


THE    FIRST    LETTER    FROM    COLUMBUS.  21 

certainly  an  island ;  and  therefore  I  sailed  towards  the 
east,  coasting  to  the  distance  of  three  hundred  and 
twenty-two  miles,  which  brought  us  to  the  extremity  of 
it :  from  this  point  I  saw  lying  eastwards  another 
island,  fifty-four  miles  distant  from  Juana,  to  which  I 
gave  the  name  of  Espanola.1  .  .  . 

All  these  islands  are  very  beautiful,  and  distinguished 
by  a  diversity  of  scenery.  They  are  filled  with  a  great 
variety  of  trees  of  immense  height,  and  which  I  believe 
to  retain  their  foliage  in  all  seasons  ;  for  when  I  saw 
them  they  were  as  verdant  and  luxuriant  as  they  usually 
are  in  Spain  in  the  month  of  May,  —  some  of  them 
were  blossoming,  some  bearing  fruit,  and  all  flourishing 
in  the  greatest  perfection,  according  to  their  respective 
stages  of  growth,  and  the  nature  and  quality  of  each  : 
yet  the  islands  are  not  so  thickly  wooded  as  to  be  im 
passable.  The  nightingale  and  various  birds  were 
singing  in  countless  numbers,  and  that  in  November, 
the  month  in  which  I  arrived  there.  .  .  . 

None  of  them,2  as  I  have  already  said,  are  possessed 
of  any  iron  ;  neither  have  they  weapons,  being  unac 
quainted  with,  and,  indeed,  incompetent  to  use,  them  ; 
not  from  any  deformity  of  body  —  £or  they  are  well 
formed,  —  but  because  they  are  timid,  and  full  of  fear. 
They  carry,  however,  in  lieu3  of  arms,  canes  dried  in  the 
sun,  on  the  ends  of  which  they  fix  heads  of  dried  wood 
sharpened  to  a  point :  and  even  these  they  dare  not  use 
habitually ;  for  it  has  often  occurred,  when  I  have  sent 
two  or  three  of  my  men  to  any  of  the  villages  to  speak 
with  the  natives,  that  they  have  come  out  in  a  disorderly 

1  Or  Hispaniola,  meaning  Little  Spain.  The  island  is  now  called 
Hayti.  2  The  natives.  3  Instead. 


22  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

troop,  and  have  fled  in  such  haste,  at  the  approach  of 
our  men,  that  the  fathers  forsook  their  children,  and  the 
children  their  fathers. 

This  timidity  did  not  arise  from  any  loss  or  injury 
that  they  had  received  from  us  ;  for,  on  the  contrary,  I 
gave  to  all  I  approached  whatever  articles  I  had  about 
me,  such  as  cloth,  and  many  other  things,  taking  nothing 
of  theirs  in  return :  but  they  are  naturally  timid  and 
fearful.  As  soon,  however,  as  they  see  that  they  are 
safe,  and  have  laid  aside  all  fear,  they  are  very  simple 
and  honest,  and  exceedingly  .liberal  with  all  that  they 
have,  none  of  them  refusing  any  thing  he  may  possess 
when  he  is  asked  for  it,  but,  on  the  contrary,  inviting  us 
to  ask  them.  They  exhibit  great  love  towards  all  others 
in  preference  to  themselves  :  they  also  give  objects  of 
great  value  for  trifles,  and  content  themselves  with  very 
little,  or  nothing,  in  return.  I,  however,  forbade  that 
these  trifles  and  articles  of  no  value  —  such  as  pieces 
of  dishes,  plates  and  glass,  keys,  and  leather  straps  — 
should  be  given  to  them,  although,  if  they  could  obtain 
them,  they  imagined  themselves  to  be  possessed  of  the 
most  beautiful  trinkets  in  the  world.  It  even  happened 
that  a  sailor  received  for  a  leather  strap  as  much  gold  as 
was  worth  three  golden  nobles ;  and  for  things  of  more 
trifling  value  offered  by  our  men,  especially  newly  coined 
blancas?  or  any  gold  coins,  the  Indians  would  give  what 
ever  the  seller  required ;  as,  for  instance,  an  ounce  and 
a  half  or  two  ounces  of  gold,  or  thirty  or  forty  pounds 
of  cotton  ;  with  which  commodity  they  were  already  ac 
quainted. 

i  A  small  coin,  worth  less  than  a  cent.  A  noble  was  a  gold  coin,  worth 
about  $1.60. 


THE    FIRST    LETTER    FROM    COLUMBUS.  23 

Thus  they  bartered,  like  idiots,  cotton  and  gold  for 
fragments  of  bows,  glasses,  bottles,  and  jars ;  which  I 
forbade,  as  being  unjust,  and  myself  gave  them  many 
beautiful  and  acceptable  articles  which  I  had  brought 
with  me,  taking  nothing  from  them  in  return.  I  did 
this  in  order  that  I  might  the  more  easily  conciliate 
them,  that  they  might  be  led  to  become  Christians,  and 
be  inclined  to  entertain  a  regard  for  the  king  and 
queen,  our  princes,  and  all  Spaniards ;  and  that  I  might 
induce  them  to  take  an  interest  in  seeking  out,  and 
collecting,  and  delivering  to  us,  such  things  as  they 
possessed  in  abundance,  but  which  we  greatly  needed. 

They  practise  no  kind  of  idolatry,  but  have  a  firm 
belief  that  all  strength  and  power,  and  indeed  all  good 
things,  are  in  heaven,  and  I  had  descended  from  thence 
with  these  ships  and  sailors ;  and  under  this  impression 
was  I  received  after  they  had  thrown  aside  their  fears. 
Nor  are  they  slow  or  stupid,  but  of  very  clear  under 
standing  ;  and  those  men  who  have  crossed  to  the 
neighboring  islands  give  an  admirable  description  of 
every  thing  they  observed  :  but  they  never  saw  any  peo 
ple  clothed,  nor  any  ships  like  ours. 

On  my  arrival  at  that  sea,  I  had  taken  some  Indians 
by  force  from  the  first  island  that  I  came  to,  in  order 
that  they  might  learn  our  language,  and  communicate 
to  us  what  they  knew  respecting  the  country ;  which 
plan  succeeded  excellently,  and  was  a  great  advantage 
to  us ;  for  in  a  short  time,  either  by  gestures  and  signs, 
or  by  words,  we  were  enabled  to  understand  each  other. 
These  men  are  still  travelling  with  me,  and,  although 
they  have  been  with  us  now  a  long  time,  they  continue 
to  entertain  the  idea  that  I  have  descended  from  heaven ; 


24  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

and  on  our  arrival  at  any  new  place  they  publish  this, 
crying  out  immediately  with  a  loud  voice  to  the  other 
Indians,  "  Come  !  come  and  look  upon  beings  of  a  celes 
tial  race  ;  "  upon  which  both  women  and  men,  children 
and  adults,  young  men  and  old,  when  they  got  rid  of  the 
fear  they  at  first  entertained,  would  come  out  in  throngs, 
crowding  the  roads  to  see  us,  some  bringing  food,  others 
drink,  with  astonishing  affection  and  kindness. 

Each  of  these  islands  has  a  great  number  of  canoes, 
built  of  solid  wood,  narrow,  and  not  unlike  our  double- 
banked  boats  in  length  and  shape,  but  swifter  in  their 
motion  :  they  steer  them  only  by  the  oar.  These  canoes 
are  of  various  sizes ;  but  the  greater  number  are  con 
structed  with  eighteen  banks  l  of  oars  :  and  with  these 
they  cross  to  the  other  islands,  which  are  of  countless 
number,  to  carry  on  traffic  with  the  people.  I  saw  some 
of  these  canoes  that  held  as  many  as  seventy-eight 
rowers.  In  all  these  islands  there  is  no  difference  of 
physiognomy,  of  manners,  or  of  language ;  but  they  all 
clearly  understand  each  other.  .  .  .  There  are  in  the 
western  part  of  the  island  two  provinces  which  I  did 
not  visit :  one  of  these  is  called  by  the  Indians  Anam, 
and  its  inhabitants  are  born  with  tails.2  .  .  . 

Finally,  to  compress  into  few  words  the  entire  sum 
mary  of  my  voyage  and  speedy  return,  and  of  the 
advantages  derivable  therefrom,  I  promise,  that,  with  a 
little  assistance  afforded  me  by  our  most  invincible 
sovereigns,  I  will  procure  them  as  much  gold  as  they 
need,  as  great  a  quantity  of  spices,  of  cotton,  and  of 

1  A  bank  of  oars  is  a  bench  on  which  rowers  sit,  and  there  may  have 
been  four  rowers  on  each  bench. 

2  No  such  race  has  ever  been  found. 


THE    FIRST    LETTER    FROM    COLUMBUS.  25 

mastic,  which  is  only  found  at  Chios,  and  as  many  men 
for  the  service  of  the  navy,  as  their  Majesties  may 
require.  I  promise,  also,  rhubarb,  and  other  sorts  of 
drugs,  which  I  am  persuaded  the  men  whom  I  have  left 
in  the  aforesaid  fortress  have  found  already,  and  will 
continue  to  find.  I  myself  have  tarried  nowhere  longer 
than  I  was  compelled  to  do  by  the  winds,  except  in 
the  city  of  Navidad,  while  I  provided  for  the  building 
of  the  fortress,  and  took  the  necessary  precautions  for 
the  perfect  security  of  the  men  I  left  there.-  Although 
all  I  have  related  may  appear  to  be  wonderful  and 
unheard  of,  yet  the  results  of  my  voyage  would  have 
been  more  astonishing,  if  I  had  had  at  my  disposal 
such  ships  as  I  required.  .  .  . 

Thus  it  has  happened  to  me  in  the  present  instance, 
who  have  accomplished  a  task  to  which  the  powers  of 
mortal  man  have  never  hitherto  attained ;  for,  if  there 
have  been  those  who  have  anywhere  written  or  spoken 
of  these  islands,  they  have  done  so  with  doubts  and 
conjectures ;  and  no  one  has  ever  asserted  that  he  has 
seen  them,  on  which  account  their  writings  have  been 
looked  upon  as  little  else  than  fables.  Therefore  let 
the  king  and  queen,  our  princes  and  their  most  happy 
kingdoms,  and  all  the  other  provinces  of  Christendom, 
render  thanks  to  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ, 
who  has  granted  us  so  great  a  victory,  and  such  pros 
perity.  Let  processions  be  made,  and  sacred  feasts  be 
held,  and  the  temples  be  adorned  with  festive  boughs. 
Let  Christ  rejoice  on  earth,  as  he  rejoices  in  heaven,  in 
the  prospect  of  the  salvation  of  the  souls  of  so  many 
nations  hitherto  lost.  Let  us  also  rejoice,  as  well  on 
account  of  the  exaltation  of  our  faith,  as  on  account  of 


26  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

the  increase  of  our  temporal  prosperity,  of  which  not 
only  Spain,  but  all  Christendom,  will  be  partakers. 
Such  are  the  events  which  I  have  briefly  described. 
Farewell.  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS, 

Admiral  of  the  Fleet  of  the  Ocean. 
LISBON,  the  i4th  of  March. 


II.  —  SECOND   VOYAGE   OF   COLUMBUS. 

[This  description  is  taken  from  a  letter  by  Dr.  Chanca,  physician  to 
the  fleet  of  Columbus,  to  the  authorities  of  Seville,  Dr.  Chanca's  resi 
dence.] 

ON  the  first  Sunday  after  All  Saints,  namely,  the  3d 
of  November  [1493],  about  dawn,  a  pilot  of  the  ship 
"  Capitana  "  cried  out,  "  The  reward  !  I  see  the  land  !  " 
The  joy  of  the  people  was  so  great,  that  it  was  won 
derful  to  hear  their  cries  and  exclamations  of  pleasure. 
And  they  had  good  reason  to  be  delighted  •  for  they 
had  become  so  wearied  of  bad  living,  and  of  working 
the  water  out  of  the  ships,  that  all  sighed  most  anx 
iously  for  land.  .  .  . 

On  the  morning  of  the  aforesaid  Sunday,  we  saw 
lying  before  us  an  island ; 1  and  soon  on  the  right  hand 
another  appeared  :  the  first  was  high  and  mountainous, 
on  the  side  nearest  to  us;  the  other  flat,  and  very 
thickly  wooded.  As  soon  as  it  became  lighter,  other 
islands  began  to  appear  on  both  sides ;  so  that  on  that 
day  there  were  six  islands  to  be  seen  lying  in  different 
directions,  and  most  of  them  of  considerable  size.  We 
directed  our  course  towards  that  which  we  had  first 

l  Dominica,  so  named  from  being  discovered  on  Sunday. 


SECOND    VOYAGE   OF    COLUMBUS.  27 

seen ;  and,  reaching  the  coast,  we  proceeded  more  than 
a  league  in  search  of  a  port  where  we  might  anchor, 
but  without  finding  one.  All  that  part  of  the  island 
which  we  could  observe  appeared  mountainous,  very 
beautiful,  and  green  even  up  to  the  water,  which  was 
delightful  to  see ;  for  at  that  season  there  is  scarcely 
any  thing  green  in  our  own  country.  When  we  found 
that  there  was  no  harbor  there,  the  admiral  decided 
that  we  should  go  to  the  other  island,  which  appeared 
on  the  right,  and  which  was  at  four  or  five  leagues  dis 
tance  :  one  vessel,  however,  still  remained  on  the  first 
island  all  that  day,  seeking  for  a  harbor,  in  case  it 
should  be  necessary  to  return  thither.  At  length,  hav 
ing  found  a  good  one,  where  they  saw  both  people  and 
dwellings,  they  returned  that  night  to  the  fleet,  which 
had  put  into  harbor  at  the  other  island ; 1  and  there 
the  admiral,  accompanied  by  a  great  number  of  men, 
landed  with  a  royal  banner  in  his  hands,  and  took 
formal  possession  in  behalf  of  their  Majesties.  .  .  . 

On  this  first  day  of  our  landing,  several  men  and 
women  came  on  the  beach  up  to  the  water's  edge,  and 
gazed  at  the  boats  in  astonishment  at  so  novel  a  sight ; 
and,  when  a  boat  pushed  on  shore  to  speak  with  them, 
they  cried  out,  "  Tayno,  taynof"  which  is  as  much  as  to 
say,  "Good,  good  !  "  and  waited  for  the  landing  of  the 
sailors,  standing  by  the  boat  in  such  a  manner  that  they 
might  escape  when  they  pleased.  The  result  was,  that 
none  of  the  men  could  be  persuaded  to  join  us ;  and 
only  two  were  taken  by  force,  who  were  secured,  and 
led  away.  ...  m 

Another  day,  at  the  dinner-hour,  we  arrived  at  an 

1  Marigalante,  so  named  from  the  ship  in  which  Columbus  sailed. 


28  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

island  l  which  seemed  to  be  worth  finding  ;  for,  judging 
by  the  extent  of  cultivation  in  it,  it  appeared  very  popu 
lous.  We  went  thither,  and  put  into  harbor,  when  the 
admiral  immediately  sent  on  shore  a  well-manned  barge 
to  hold  speech  with  the  Indians,  in  order  to  ascertain 
what  race  they  were,  and  also  because  we  considered  it 
necessary  to  gain  some  information  respecting  our 
course ;  although  it  afterwards  plainly  appeared  that 
the  admiral,  who  had  never  made  that  passage  before, 
had  taken  a  very  correct  route.  But,  since  doubtful 
questions  ought  always  by  investigation  to  be  reduced 
as  nearly  to  a  certainty  as  possible,  he  wished  that  com 
munication  should  be  held  with  the  natives  at  once; 
and  some  of  the  men  who  went  in  a  barge  leaped  on 
shore,  and  went  up  to  a  village,  whence  the  inhabitants 
had  already  withdrawn,  and  hidden  themselves.  They 
took  in  this  island  five  or  six  women  and  some  boys, 
most  of  whom  were  captives,  like  those  in  the  other 
island.  We  learned  from  the  women  whom  we  had 
brought  with  us,  that  the  natives  of  this  place  also  were 
Caribbees.  As  this  barge  was  about  to  return  to  the 
ships  with  the  capture  which  they  had  taken,  a  canoe 
came  along  the  coast,  containing  four  men,  two  women, 
and  a  boy  ;  and,  when  they  saw  the  fleet,  they  were  so 
stupefied  with  amazement,  that  for  a  good  hour  they 
remained  motionless  at  the  distance  of  nearly  two  gun 
shots  from  the  ships.  In  this  position  they  were  seen 
by  those  who  were  in  the  barge,  and  also  by  all  the 
fleet.  Meanwhile,  those  in  the  barge  moved  towards 
the  canoe,  but  so  close  in  shore,  that  the  Indians,  in 
their  perplexity  and  astonishment  as  to  what  all  this 
l  St  Martin,  one  of  the  Caribbee  Islands. 


SECOND    VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS.  29 

could  mean,  never  saw  them  until  they  were  so  near 
that  escape  was  impossible  ;  for  our  men  pressed  on 
them  so  rapidly,  that  they  could  not  get  away,  although 
they  made  considerable  effort  to  do  so. 

When  the  Caribbees  saw  that  all  attempt  at  flight 
was  useless,  they  most  courageously  took  to  their  bows, 
both  women  and  men  :  I  say  most  courageously,  be 
cause  they  were  only  four  men  and  two  women,  and 
our  people  were  twenty-five  in  number.  Two  of  our 
men  were  wounded  by  the  Indians,  one  with  two  arrow- 
shots  in  his  breast,  and  another  with  one  in  his  side  ; 
and  if  it  had  not  happened  that  they  carried  shields 
and  wooden  bucklers,  and  that  they  got  near  them  with 
the  barge,  and  upset  their  canoe,  most  of  them  would 
have  been  killed  with  their  arrows.  After  their  canoe 
was  upset,  they  remained  in  the  water,  swimming  and 
occasionally  wading" — for  there  were  shallows  in  that 
part,  —  still  using  their  bows  as  much  as  they  could ;  so 
that  our  men  had  enough  to  do  to  take  them :  and,  after 
all,  there  was  one  of  them  whom  they  were  unable  to 
secure  till  he  had  received  a  mortal  wound  with  a 
lance,  and  whom,  thus  wounded,  they  took  to  the  ships. 
The  difference  between  these  Caribbees  and  the  other 
Indians,  with  respect  to  dress,  consists  in  their  wearing 
their  hair  very  long;  while  the  others  have  it  clipped 
irregularly,  and  paint  their  heads  with  crosses  and  a 
hundred  thousand  different  devices,  each  according  to 
his  fancy,  which  they  do  with  sharpened  reeds.  All  of 
them,  both  the  Caribbees  and  the  others,  are  beardless ; 
so  that  it  is  a  rare  thing  to  find  a  man  with  a  beard. 
The  Caribbees  whom  we  took  had  their  eyes  and  eye 
brows  stained,  which  I  imagine  they  do  from  ostentation, 
and  to  give  them  a  more  formidable  appearance.  .  .  . 


30  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

The  country 1  is  very  remarkable,  and  contains  a  vast 
number  of  large  rivers,  and  extensive  chains  of  moun 
tains,  with  broad  open  valleys ;  and  the  mountains  are 
very  high.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  grass  is  ever  cut 
throughout  the  year.  I  do  not  think  they  have  any 
winter  in  this  part ;  for  near  Navidad  (at  Christmas) 
were  found  many  birds'-nests,  some  containing  the 
young  birds,  and  others  containing  eggs.  No  four- 
footed  animal  has  ever  been  seen  in  this  or  any  of  the 
other  islands,  except  some  dogs  of  various  colors,  as  in 
our  own  country,  but  in  shape  like  large  house-dogs ; 
and  also  some  little  animals,  in  color,  size,  and  fur  like 
a  rabbit,  with  long  tails,  and  feet  like  those  of  a  rat. 
These  animals  climb  up  the  trees ;  and  many  who  have 
tasted  them  say  they  are  very  good  to  eat.2  There 
are  not  any  wild  beasts.  There  are  great  numbers  of 
small  snakes,  and  some  lizards,  but  not  many ;  for  the 
Indians  consider  them  as  great  a  luxury  as  we  do  pheas 
ants  :  they  are  of  the  same  size  as  ours,  but  different 
in  shape.  In  a  small  adjacent  island,  close  by  a  harbor 
called  Monte  Christo,  where  we  staid  several  days,  our 
men  saw  an  enormous  kind  of  lizard,8  which  they  said 
was  as  large  round  as  a  calf,  with  a  tail  as  long  as  a 
lance,  which  they  often  went  out  to  kill ;  but,  bulky  as 
it  was,  it  got  into  the  sea,  so  that  they  could  not  catch 
it.  There  are,  both  in  this  and  the  other  islands,  an 
infinite  number  of  birds  like  those  in  our  own  country, 
and  many  others  such  as  we  had  never  seen.  No  kind 
of  domestic  fowl  has  been  seen  here,  with  the  exception 

1  Hayti,  or  Espanola. 

2  Probably  a  species  of  cafromys,  an  animal  of  the  rat  kind. 

3  Probably  an  alligator. 


COLUMBUS    REACHES    THE    MAINLAND.  31 

of  some  ducks  in  the  houses  in  Zuruquia :  these  ducks 
were  larger  than  those  of  Spain,  though  smaller  than 
geese,  —  very  pretty,  with  tufts  on  their  heads,  most  of 
them  as  white  as  snow,  but  some  black. 


III.  —  COLUMBUS  REACHES  THE  MAINLAND. 

[From  his  narrative  of  his  third  voyage,  1498.] 

I  THEN  gave  up  our  northward  course,  and  put  in  for 
the  land.  At  the  hour  of  complines  1  we  reached  a 
cape,  which  I  called  Cape  Galea,2  having  already  given 
to  the  island  the  name  of  Trinidad;  and  here  we 
found  a  harbor,  which  would  have  been  excellent,  but 
that  there  was  no  good  anchorage.  We  saw  houses 
and  people  on  the  spot ;  and  the  country  around  was 
very  beautiful,  and  as  fresh  and  green  as  the  gardens 
of  Valencia  in  the  monjth  of  March.  .  .  . 

The  next  day  I  set  sail  in  the  same  direction,  in 
search  of  a  harbor  where  I  might  repair  the  vessels, 
and  take  in  water,  as  well  as  improve  the  stock  of  pro 
visions  which  I  had  brought  out  with  me.  When  we 
had  taken  in  a  pipe  of  water,  we  proceeded  onwards  till 
we  reached  the  cape ;  and  there  finding  good  anchor 
age,  and  protection  from  the  east  wind,  I  ordered  the 
anchors  to  be  dropped,  the  water-cask  to  be  repaired, 
a  supply  of  water  and  wood  to  *be  taken  in,  and  the 
people  to  rest  themselves  from  the  fatigues  which  they 
had  endured  for  so  long  a  time.  I  gave  to  this  point 
the  name  of  Sandy  Point  (Punta  del  Arenal). 

1  About  nine,  P.M.,  the  last  hour  of  Roman  Catholic  prayers. 

2  Now  called  Cape  Galeota,  the  south-east  point  of  Trinidad. 


32  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

All  the  ground  in  the  neighborhood  was  filled  with 
footmarks  of  animals,  like  the  impression  of  the  foot 
of  a  goat ;  but,  although  it  would  have  appeared  from 
this  circumstance  that  they  were  very  numerous,  only 
one  was  seen,  and  that  was  dead.  On  the  following 
day  a  large  canoe  came  from  the  eastward,  containing 
twenty-four  men,  all  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  well  pro 
vided  with  arms,  such  as  bows,  arrows,  and  wooden 
shields.  They  were  all,  as  I  have  said,  young,  well- 
proportioned,  and  not  dark  black,  but  whiter  than  any 
other  Indians  that  I  had  seen,  —  of  very  graceful  ges 
ture  and  handsome  forms,  wearing  their  hair  long  and 
straight,  and  cut  in  the  Spanish  style.  Their  heads 
were  bound  round  with  cotton  scarfs  elaborately  worked 
in  colors,  which  resembled  the  Moorish  head-dresses. 
Some  of  these  scarfs  were  worn  round  the  body,  and 
used  as  a  covering  in  lieu  of  trousers.  The  natives 
spoke  to  us  from  the  canoe  while  it  was  yet  at  a  con 
siderable  distance ;  but  none  of  us  could  understand 
them.  I  made  signs  to  them,  however,  to  come  nearer 
to  us  ;  and  more  than  two  hours  were  spent  in  this  man 
ner  :  but  if,  by  any  chance,  they  moved  a  little  nearer, 
they  soon  pushed  off  again. 

I  caused  basins  and  other  shining  objects  to  be  shown 
to  them  to  tempt  them  to  come  near ;  and,  after  a  long 
time,  they  came  somewhat  nearer  than  they  had  hither 
to  done ;  upon  which,  as  I  was  very  anxious  to  speak 
with  them,  and  had-  nothing  else  to  show  them  to  in 
duce  them  to  approach,  I  ordered  a  drum  to  be  played 
upon  the  quarter-deck,  and  some  of  our  young  men  to 
dance,  believing  the  Indians  would  come  to  see  the 
amusement.  No  sooner,  however,  did  they  perceive 


COLUMBUS    REACHES    THE    MAINLAND.  33 

the  beating  of  .the  drum,  and  the  dancing,  than  they  all 
left  their  oars,  and  strung  their  bows,  and,  each  man 
laying  hold  of  his  shield,  they  commenced  discharging 
their  arrows  at  us  ;  upon  this  the  music  and  dancing 
soon  ceased,  and  I  ordered  a  charge  l  to  be  made  from 
some  of  our  cross-bows  :  they  then  left  us,  and  went 
rapidly  to  the  other  caravel,'2  and  placed  themselves 
under  its  poop.  The  pilot  of  that  vessel  received  them 
courteously,  and  gave  to  the  man  who  appeared  to  be 
their  chief  a  coat  and  hat ;  and  it  was  then  arranged 
between  them  that  he  should  go  to  speak  with  him  on 
shore.  Upon  this  the  Indians  immediately  went  thither, 
and  waited  for  him  ;  but,  as  he  would  not  go  without 
my  permission,  he  came  to  my  ship  in  the  boat,  where 
upon  the  Indians  got  into  their  canoe  again,  and  went 
away,  and  I  never  saw  any  more  of  them,  or  of  any  of 
the  other  inhabitants  of  the  island. 

When  I  reached  the  Point  of  Arenal,  I  found  that 
the  Island  of  Trinidad  formed  with  the  land  of  Gracia,3 
a  strait  of  two  leagues  width  from  east  to  west ;  and,  as 
we  had  to  pass  through  it  to  go  to  the  north,  we  found 
some  strong  currents  which  crossed  the  strait,  and 
which  made  a  great  roaring,  so  that  I  concluded  there 
must  be  a  reef  of  sand  or  rocks,  which  would  preclude 
our  entrance :  and  behind  this  current  was  another  and 
another,  all  making  a  roaring  noise  like  the  sound  of 
breakers  against  the  rocks.  I  anchored  there,  under 
the  said  Point  of  Arenal,  outside  of  the  strait,  and 
found  the  water  rush  from  east  to  west  with  as  much 

1  Discharge.  2  A  small  vessel. 

3  The  coast  of  Cumana  (South  America),  distant  seven  miles  from 
Trinidad. 


34  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

impetuosity  as  that  of  the  Guadalquiver  at  its  conflict 
with  the  sea ;  and  this  continued  constantly  day  and 
night,  so  that  it  appeared  to  be  impossible  to  move 
backwards  for  the  current,  or  forwards  for  the  shoals. 


IV.  —  COLUMBUS  AT  THE  MOUTH  OF  THE  ORINOCO. 

IN  the  dead  of  night,  while  I  was  on  deck,  I  heard 
an  awful  roaring  that  came  from  the  south  towards  the 
ship.  I  stopped  to  observe  what  it  might  be,  and  I 
saw  the  sea  rolling  from  west  to  east,  like  a  mountain  as 
high  as  the  ship,  and  approaching  by  little  and  little. 
On  the  top  of  this  rolling  sea  came  a  mighty  wave, 
roaring  with  a  frightful  noise ;  and  with  all  this  terrific 
uproar  were  other  conflicting  currents,  producing,  as 
I  have  already  said,  a  sound  as  of  breakers  upon  the 
rocks.  To  this  day  I  have  a  vivid  recollection  of  the 
dread  I  then  felt,  lest  the  ship  might  founder  under 
the  force  of  that  tremendous  sea  ;  but  it  passed  by,  and 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  before-mentioned  passage, 
where  the  uproar  lasted  for  a  considerable  time.  On 
the  following  day  1  sent  out  boats  to  take  soundings, 
and  found  that  in  the  strait,  at  the  deepest  part  of  the 
embouchure,1  there  were  six  or  seven  fathoms  of  water, 
and  that  there  were  constant  contrary  currents,  —  one 
running  inwards,  and  the  other  outwards.  It  pleased 
the  Lord,  however,  to  give  us  a  favorable  wind ;  and  I 
passed  through  the  middle  of  the  strait,  after  which  I 
recovered  my  tranquillity.  The  men  happened  at  this 
time  to  draw  up  some  water  from  the  sea,  which,  strange 

1  Mouth. 


COLUMBUS    AT    THE    MOUTH    OF    THE    ORINOCO. 


35 


to  say,  proved  to  be  fresh.  I  then  sailed  northwards 
till  I  came  to  a  very  high  mountain,  at  about  twenty- 
six  leagues  from  the  Punta  del  Arenal  :  here  two  lofty 
headlands  appeared,  — one  towards  the  east,1  and  form 
ing  part  of  the  Island  of  Trinidad  ;  and  the  other  on 
the  west,2  being  part  of  the  land  which  I  have  already 
called  Gracia.  We  found  here  a  channel 3  still  narrower 
than  that  of  Arenal,  with  similar  currents,  and  a  tre 
mendous  roaring  of  water  :  the  water  here  also  was 
fresh. 

Hitherto  I  had  held  no  communication  with  any  of 
the  people  of  this  coun 
try,,  although  I  very  ear 
nestly  desired  it.  I  there 
fore  sailed  along  the 
coast  westwards ;  and, 
the  farther  I  advanced, 
the  fresher  and  more 
wholesome  I  found  the 
water  ;  and,  when  I  had 
proceeded  a  considera 
ble  distance,  I  reached 
a  spot  where  the  land 
appeared  to  be  culti 
vated.  ...  I  then  an 
chored  at  the  mouth  of  a  river ;  and  we  were  soon 
visited  by  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
informed  us  that  the  country  was  called  Paria,  and 
that  farther  westward  it  was  more  fully  peopled.  I 
took  four  of  these  natives,  and  proceeded  on  my  west- 

1  Point  Pena  Blanca.  2  p0int  Pena. 

3  Boca  Grande.     The  fre.->h  water  was  river  water. 


36  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

ward  voyage  ;  and,  when  I  had  gone  eight  leagues  far 
ther,  I  found  on  the  other  side  of  a  point,  which  I  called 
the  Needle,1  one  of  the  most  lovely  cpuntries  in  the 
world,  and  very  thickly  peopled.  It  was  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning  when  I  reached  it ;  and,  seeing  its  verdure 
and  beauty,  I  resolved  to  anchor  there,  and  communicate 
with  the  inhabitants.  Some  of  the  natives  came  out 
to  the  ship  in  canoes,  to  beg  me,  in  the  name  of  their 
king,  to  go  on  shore..  And,  when  they  saw  that  I  paid 
no  attention  to  them,  they  came  to  the  ship  in  their 
canoes  in  countless  number ;  many  of  them  wearing 
pieces  of  gold  on  their  breasts,  and  some  with  bracelets 
of  pearl  on  their  arms. 


V.  —  COLUMBUS  THINKS  HIMSELF  NEAR  THE  EARTHLY 
PARADISE. 

[From  the  same  narrative.  It  was  generally  believed,  in  the  time  of 
Columbus,  that  the  Garden  of  Eden,  or  earthly  paradise,  still  existed 
somewhere  on  the  globe.  Irving's  Columbus  (appendix)  gives  an  account 
of  these  views.] 

I  HAVE  always  read,  that  the  world  comprising  the 
land  and  water  was  spherical,  as  is  testified  by  the 
investigations  of  Ptolemy  and  others,  who  have  proved 
it  by  the  eclipses  of  the  moon,  and  other  observations 
made  from  east  to  west,  as  well  as  by  the  elevation  of 
the  pole  from  north  to  south.  But  I  have  now  seen  so 
much  irregularity,  as  I  have  already  described,  that  I 
have  come  to  another  conclusion  respecting  the  earth  ; 
namely,  that  it  is  not  round,  as  they  describe,  but  of  the 

1  Now  called  Point  Alcatraz,  or  Point  Pelican. 


NEAR    THE    EARTHLY    PARADISE.  37 

form  of  a  pear,  which  is  very  round  except  where  the 
stalk  grows,  at  which  part  it  is  most  prominent.  .  .  . 
Ptolemy,  and  the  others  who  have  written  upon  the 
globe,  had  no  information  respecting  this  part  of  the 
world,  which  was  then  unexplored  :  they  only  estab 
lished  their  arguments  with  respect  to  their  own  hemi 
sphere,  which,  as  I  have  already  said,  is  half  of  a  perfect 
sphere.  And,  now  that  your  Highnesses  have  commis 
sioned  me  to  make  this  voyage  of  discovery,  the  truths 
which  I  have  stated  are  evidently  proved.  ...  I  do 
not  find,  nor  have  ever  found,  any  account  by  the 
Romans  or  Greeks,  which  fixes  in  a  positive  manner 
the  site  of  the  terrestrial  paradise ;  neither  have  I  seen 
it  given  in  any  mappe-monde?  laid  down  from  authentic 
sources.  Some  placed  it  in  Ethiopia,  at  the  sources 
of  the  Nile  ;  but  others,  traversing  all  these  countries, 
found  neither  the  temperature,  nor  the  altitude  of  the 
sun,  correspond  with  their  ideas  respecting  it ;  nor  did 
it  appear  that  the  overwhelming  waters  of  the  deluge 
had  been  there.  Some  Pagans  pretended  to  adduce 
arguments  to  establish  that  it  was  in  the  Fortunate 
Islands,  now  called  the  Canaries,  &c.  .  .  . 

I  have  already  described  my  ideas  concerning  this 
hemisphere  and  its  form  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt,  that  if 
I  could  pass  below  the  equinoctial  line,  after  reaching 
the  highest  point  of  which  I  have  spoken,  I  should  find 
a  much  milder  temperature,  and  a  variation  in  the  stars 
and  in  the  water  ;  not  that  I  suppose  that  elevated 
point  to  be  navigable,  nor  even  that  there  is  water 
there :  indeed,  I  believe  it  is  impossible  to  ascend 
thither,  because  I  am  convinced  that  it  is  the  spot  of 

1  Atlas. 


38  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

the  earthly  paradise,  whither  no  one  can  go  but  by 
God's  permission.  But  this  land  which  your  High 
nesses  have  now  sent  me  to  explore  is  very  extensive  ; 
and  I  thiiik  there  are  many  countries  in  the  south,  of 
which  the  world  has  never  had  any  knowledge. 

I  do  not  suppose  that  the  earthly  paradise  is  in  the 
form  of  a  rugged  mountain,  as  the  descriptions  of  it 
have  made  it  appear,  but  that  it  is  on  the  summit  of 
the  spot  which  I  have  described  as  being  in  the  form 
of  the  stalk  of  a  pear.  The  approach  to  it  from  a  dis 
tance  must  be  by  a  constant  and  gradual  ascent  ;  but  I 
believe,  that,  as  I  have  already  said,  no  one  could  ever 
reach  the  top.  I  think,  also,  that  the  water  1  have 
described  may  proceed  from  it,  though  it  be  far  off,  and 
that,  stopping  at  the  place  which  I  have  just  left,  it 
forms  this  lake.  There  are  great  indications  of  this 
being  the  terrestrial  paradise ;  for  its  site  coincides  with 
the  opinion  of  the  holy  and  wise  theologians  whom  I 
have  mentioned.  And,  moreover,  the  other  evidences 
agree  with  the  supposition ;  for  I  have  never  either  read 
or  heard  of  fresh  water  coming  in  so  large  a  quantity, 
in  close  conjunction  with  the  water  of  the  sea.  The 
idea  is  also  corroborated  by  the  blandness  of  the  tem 
perature.  And,  if  the  water  of  which  I  speak  does  not 
proceed  from  the  earthly  paradise,  it  appears  to  be  still 
more  marvellous  ;  for  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  any 
river  in  the  world  so  large  or  so  deep. 


DARING    DEED    OF    DIEGO    MENDKZ.  39 


VI.  —  DARING  DEED  OF  DIEGO  MENDEZ. 

[Taken  from  the  last  will  of  Diego  Mendez.  These  adventures  hap 
pened  on  the  fourth  voyage  of  Columbus,  in  1502.] 

WHEN  we  were  shut  in  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Belen,  or  Yebra,  through  the  violence  of  the  sea,  and 
the  winds  which  drove  up  the  sand,  and  raised  such  a 
mountain  of  it  as  to  close  up  the  entrance  of  the  port, 
his  lordship1  being  there  greatly  afflicted,  a  multitude 
of  Indians  collected  together  on  shore  to  burn  the 
ships,  and  kill  us  all,  pretending  that  they  were  going 
to  make  war  against  other  Indians.  .  .  .  Upon  his  con 
sulting  me  as  to  the  best  manner  of  proceeding  so  as 
clearly  to  ascertain  what  was  the  intention  of  the  people, 
I  offered  to  go  to  them  with  one  single  companion;  and 
this  task  I  undertook,  though  more  certain  of  death 
than  of  life  in  the  result. 

After  journeying  along  the  beach  up  to  the  River  of 
Veragua,  I  found  two  canoes  of  strange  Indians,  who 
related  to  me  more  in  detail,  that  these  people  were 
indeed  collected  together  to  burn  our  ships,  and  kill 
us  all,  and  that  they  had  forsaken  their  purpose  in  con 
sequence  of  the  boat  which  had  come  up  to  the  spot, 
but  that  they  intended  to  return  after  two  days  to  make 
the  attempt  once  more.  I  then  asked  them  to  carry  me 
in  their  canoes  to  the  upper  part  of  the  river,  offering 
to  remunerate  them  if  they  would  do  so.  But  they 
excused  themselves,  and  advised  me  by  no  means  to 
go,  for  that  both  myself  and  my  companion  would  cer 
tainly  be  killed. 

1  Columbus. 


40  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

At  length,  in  spite  of  their  advice,  I  prevailed  upon 
them  to  take  me  in  their  canoes  to  the  upper  part  of  the 
river,  until  I  reached  the  villages  of  the  Indians,  whom  I 
had  found  in  order  of  battle.  They,  however,  would  not, 
at  first,  allow  me  to  go  to  the  principal  residence  of  the 
cacique,  till  I  pretended  that  I  was  come  as  a  surgeon  to 
cure  him  of  a  wound  that  he  had  in  his  leg.  Then, 
after  making  them  some  presents,  they  suffered  me  to 
proceed  to  the  seat  of  royalty,  which  was  situated  on 
the  top  of  a  hillock,  surmounted  by  a  plain,  with  a  large 
square  surrounded  by  three  hundred  heads  of  the  ene 
mies  he  had  slain  in  battle.  When  I  had  passed 
through  the  square,  and  reached  the  royal  house,  there 
was  a  great  clamor  of  women  and  children  at  the  gate, 
who  ran  into  the  palace  screaming.  Upon  this,  one  of 
the  chief's  sons  came  out  in  a  high  passion,  uttering 
angry  words  in  his  own  language  ;  and  laying  hands 
upon  me,  with  one  push  he  thrust  me  far  away  from 
him.  In  order  to  appease  him,  I  told  him  I  was  come 
to  cure  the  wound  in  his  father's  leg,  and  showed  him 
an  ointment  that  I  had  brought  for  that  purpose  ;  but 
he  replied,  that  on  no  account  whatever  should  I  go  in 
to  the  place  where  his  father  was.  When  I  saw  that  I 
had  no  chance  of  appeasing  him  in  that  way,  I  took 
out  a  comb,  a  pair  of  scissors,  and  a  mirror,  and  caused 
Escobar,  my  companion,  to  comb  my  hair,  and  then  cut 
it  off.  When  the  Indian,  and  those  who  were  with  him, 
saw  this,  they  stood  in  astonishment;  upon  which  I 
prevailed  on  him  to  suffer  his  own  hair  to  be  combed 
and  cut  by  Escobar.  I  then  made  him  a  present  of 
the  scissors,  with  the  comb  and  the  mirror;  and  thus  he 
became  appeased.  After  this,  I  begged  him  to  allow 


DARING    DEED    OF    DIEGO    MENDEZ.  41 

some  food  to  be  brought,  which  was  soon  done  j  and  we 
ate  and  drank  in  love  and  good-fellowship,  like  very 
good  friends. 

I  then  left  him,  and  returned  to  the  ships,  and  related 
all  this  to  my  lord  the  admiral,  who  was  not  a  little 
pleased  when  he  heard  all  these  circumstances,  and  the 
things  that  had  happened  to  me.  He  ordered  a  large 
stock  of  provisions  to  be  put  into  the  ships,  and  into 
certain  straw  houses  that  we  had  built  there,  with  a 
view  that  I  should  remain,  with  some  of  the  men,  to 
examine  and  ascertain  the  secrets  of  the  country.  The 
next  morning  his  lordship  called  me  to  ask  my  advice 
as  to  what  ought  to  be  done.  My  opinion  was,  that  we 
ought  to  seize  that  chief  and  all  his  captains,  because, 
when  they  were  taken,  great  numbers  of  the  people 
would  submit.  His  lordship  was  of  the  same  opinion. 
I  then  submitted  the  stratagem  and  plan  by  which 
this  might  be  accomplished  ;  and  his  lordship  ordered 
that  the  addantado?  his  brother,  and  I,  accompanied 
by  eighty  men,  should  go  to  put  it  into  execution.  We 
went ;  and  our  Lord  gave  us  such  good  fortune,  that  we 
took  the  cacique,  and  most  of  his  captains,  his  wives, 
sons,  and  grandsons,  with  all  the  princes  of  his  race  ; 
but  in  sending  them  to  the  ships,  thus  captured,  the 
cacique  extricated  himself  from  the  too  slight  grasp 
of  the  man  who  held  him,  —  a  circumstance  which 
afterwards  caused  us  much  injury.  At  this  moment 
it  pleased  God  to  cause  it  to  rain  very  heavily,  occa 
sioning  a  great  flood^  by  which  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor  was  opened,  and  the  admiral  enabled  to  draw 
out  the  ships  to  sea,  in  order  to  proceed  to  Spain  ; 

1  President,  or  governor. 


42  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

I,  meanwhile,  remaining  on  land  as  accountant  of  his 
Highness,  with  seventy  men,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
provisions  of  biscuit,  wine,  oil,  and  vinegar  being  left 
with  me. 


VII. —  How  DIEGO  MENDEZ  GOT  FOOD  FOR 
COLUMBUS. 

[Also  taken  from  the  last  will  of  Diego  Mendez.] 

ON  the  last  day  of  April,  in  trie  year  fifteen  hundred 
and  three,  we  left  Veragua,  with  three  ships,  intending 
to  make  our  passage  homeward  to  Spain  ;  but,  as  the 
ships  were  all  pierced  and  eaten  by  the  teredo,1  we 
could  not  keep  them  above  water.  We  abandoned  one 
of  them  after  we  had  proceeded  thirty  leagues :  the  two 
which  remained  were  even  in  a  worse  condition  than 
that ;  so  that  all  the  hands  were  not  sufficient,  with  the 
use  of  pumps  and  kettles  and  pans,  to  draw  off  the 
water  that  came  through  the  holes  made  by  the  worms. 
In  this  state,  with  the  utmost  toil  and  danger,  we  sailed 
for  thirty-five  days,  thinking  to  reach  Spain  ;  and  at  the 
end  of  this  time  we  arrived  at  the  lowest  point  of 
the  island  of  Cuba,  at  the  province  of  Homo,  where  the 
city  of  Trinidad  now  stands  ;  so  that  we  were  three 
hundred  leagues  farther  from  Spain  than  when  we  left 
Veragua  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  thither,  —  and 
this,  as  I  have  said,  with  the  vessels  in  very  bad  con 
dition,  unfit  to  encounter  the  sea,  and  our  provisions 
nearly  gone.  It  pleased  God  that  we  were  enabled  to 
reach  the  island  of  Jamaica,  where  we  drove  the  two 

1  Ship-worm. 


HOW    MENDEZ    GOT    FOOD    FOR    COLUMBUS.  43 

ships  on  shore,  and  made  of  them  two  cabins,  thatched 
with  straw,  in  which  we  took  up  our  dwelling ;  not, 
however,  without  considerable  danger  from  the  natives, 
who  were  not  yet  subdued,  and  who  might  easily  set  fire 
to  our  habitation  in  the  night,  in  spite  of  the  greatest 
watchfulness.  It  was  there  that  I  gave  out  the  last 
ration  of  biscuit  and  wine. 

I  then  took  a  sword  in  my  hand,  three  men  only 
accompanying  me,  and  advanced  into  the  island ;  for 
no  one  else  dared  go  to  seek  food  for  the  admiral  and 
those  who  were  with  him.  It  pleased  God  that  I  found 
some  people  who  were  very  gentle,  and  did  us  no  harm, 
but  received  us  cheerfully,  and  gave  us  food  with  hearty 
good-will.  I  then  made  a  stipulation  with  the  Indians 
who  lived  in  a  village  called  Aguacadiba,  and  with  their 
cacique,  that  they  should  make  cassava  bread,  and  that 
they  should  hunt  and  fish  to  supply  the  admiral  every 
day  with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  provisions,  which  they 
were  to  bring  to  the  ships,  where  I  promised  there  should 
be  a  person  ready  to  pay  them  in  blue  beads,  combs  and 
knives,  hawks-bells  and  fish-hooks,  and  other  such  arti 
cles,  which  we  had  with  us  for  that  purpose.  With  this 
understanding,  I  despatched  one  of  the  Spaniards  whom 
I  had  brought  with  me  to  the  admiral,  in  order  that  he 
might  send  a  person  to  pay  for  the  provisions,  and  secure 
their  being  sent.  From  thence  I  went  to  another  village, 
at  three  leagues'  distance  from  the  former,  and  made  a 
similar  agreement  with  the  natives  and  their  cacique, 
and  then  despatched  another  Spaniard  to  the  admiral, 
begging  him  to  send  another  person  with  a  similar 
object  to  this  village.  After  this  I  went  farther  on,  and 
came  to  a  great  cacique  named  Huarco,  living  in  a  place 


44  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

which  is  now  called  Melilla,  thirteen  leagues  from  where 
the  ships  lay.  I  was  very  well  received  by  him.  He 
gave  me  plenty  to  eat,  and  ordered  all  his  subjects  to 
bring  together,  in  the  course  of  three  days,  a  great 
quantity  of  provisions,  which  they  did,  and  laid  them 
before  him,  whereupon  I  paid  him  for  them  to  his  full 
satisfaction.  I  stipulated  with  him  that  they  should 
furnish  a  constant  supply,  and  engaged  that  there  should 
be  a  person  appointed  to  pay  them. 

Having  made  this  arrangement,  I  sent  the  other 
Spaniard  to  the  admiral,  with  the  provisions  they  had 
given  me,  and  then  begged  the  cacique  to  allow  me  two 
Indians  to  go  with  me  to  the  extremity  of  the  island,  — 
one  to  carry  the  hammock  in  which  I  slept,  and  the 
other  carrying  the  food.  In  this  manner  I  journeyed 
eastward  to  the  end  of  the  island,  and  came  to  a  cacique 
who  was  named  Ameyro,  with  whom  I  entered  into  close 
friendship.  I  gave  him  my  name,  and  took  his,  which, 
amongst  this  people,  is  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  bro 
therly  attachment.  I  bought  of  him  a  very  good  canoe, 
and  gave  him  in  exchange  an  excellent  brass  helmet 
that  I  carried  in  a  bag,  a  frock,  and  one  of  the  two 
shirts  that  I  had  with  me  :  I  then  put  out  to  sea  in  this 
canoe,  in  search  of  the  place  that  I  had  left,  the  cacique 
having  given  me  six  Indians  to  assist  in  guiding  the 
canoe. 

When  I  reached  the  spot  to  which  I  had  despatched 
the  provisions,  I  found  there  the  Spaniards  whom  the 
admiral  had  sent  ;  and  I  loaded  them  with  the  victuals 
which  I  had  brought  with  me,  and  went  myself  to  the 
admiral,  who  gave  me  a  very  cordial  reception.  He  was 
not  satisfied  with  seeing  and  embracing  me,  but  asked  me 


HOW    DIEGO    MENDEZ    SAVED   COLUMBUS.  45 

respecting  every  thing  that  had  occurred  in  the  voyage, 
and  offered  up  thanks  to  God  for  having  delivered  me 
in  safety  from  so  barbarous  a  people.  The  men  rejoiced 
greatly  at  my  arrival ;  for  there  was  not  a  loaf  left  in 
the  ships  when  I  returned  to  them  with  the  means  of 
allaying  their  hunger.  This,  and  every  day  after  that, 
the  Indians  came  to  the  ships,  loaded  with  provisions 
from  the  places  where  I  had  made  the  agreements  ;  so 
that  there  was  enough  for  the  two  hundred  and  thirty 
people  who  were  with  the  admiral. 


VIII.  —  How  DIEGO  MENDEZ  SAVED  COLUMBUS. 

[From  the  same  narrative.] 

TEN  days  after  this,  the  admiral  called  me  aside,  and 
spoke  to  me  of  the  great  peril  he  was  in,  addressing  me 
as  follows  :  "  Diego  Mendez,  my  son,  not  one  of  those 
whom  I  have  here  with  me  has  any  idea  of  the  great 
danger  in  which  we  stand,  except  myself  and  you  ;  for 
we  are  but  few  in  number,  and  these  wild  Indians  are 
numerous,  and  very  fickle  and  capricious  ;  and  when 
ever  they  may  take  it  into  their  heads  to  come  and  burn 
us  in  our  two  ships,  which  we  have  made  into  straw- 
thatched  cabins,  they  may  easily  do  so  by  setting  fire 
to  them  on  the  land  side,  and  so  destroy  us  all.  The 
arrangement  you  have  made  with  them  for  the  supply  of 
food,  to  which  they  agreed  with  such  good-will,  may 
soon  prove  disagreeable  to  them  ;  and  it  would  not  be 
surprising,  if,  on  the  morrow,  they  were  not  to  bring  us 
any  thing  at  all.  In  such  case,  we  are  not  in  a  position 
to  take  it  by  main  force,  but  shall  be  compelled  to 


46  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

accede  to  their  terms.  I  have  thought  of  a  remedy,  if 
you  consider  it  advisable  ;  which  is,  that  some  one 
should  go  out  in  the  canoe  that  you  have  purchased,  and 
make  his  way  in  it  to  Espafiola,  to  purchase  a  vessel 
with  which  we  may  escape  from  the  extremely  dangerous 
position  in  which  we  now  are.  Tell  me  your  opinion." 
To  which  I  answered,  "  My  lord,  I  distinctly  see  the 
danger  in  which  we  stand,  which  is  much  greater  than 
would  be  readily  imagined.  With  respect  to  the  pas 
sage  from  this  island  to  Espanola  in  so  small  a  vessel 
as  a  canoe,  I  look  upon  it  not  merely  as  difficult,  but 
impossible  ;  for  I  know  not  who  would  venture  to  en 
counter  so  terrific  a  danger  as  to  cross  a  gulf  of  forty 
leagues  of  sea,  and  amongst  islands  where  the  sea  is  so 
impetuous,  and  scarcely  ever  at  rest." 

His  lordship  did  not  agree  with  the  opinion  that  I 
expressed,  but  adduced  strong  arguments  to  show  that 
I  was  the  person  to  undertake  the  enterprise.  To  which 
I  replied,  "  My  lord,  I  have  many  times  put  my  life  in 
danger  to  save  yours  and  the  lives  of  all  those  who  are 
with  you,  and  God  has  marvellously  preserved  me.  In 
consequence  of  this,  there  have  not  been  wanting  mur- 
murers,  who  have  said  that  your  lordship  intrusts  every 
honorable  undertaking  to  me,  while  there  are  others 
amongst  them  who  would  perform  them  as  well  as  I. 
My  opinion  is,  therefore,  that  your  lordship  would  do 
well  to  summon  all  the  men,  and  lay  this  business 
before  them  ;  to  see  if,  amongst  them  all,  there  is  one 
who  will  volunteer  to  undertake  it,  which  I  certainly 
doubt ;  and,  if  all  refuse,  I  will  risk  my  life  in  your 
service,  as  I  have  many  times  already." 

On  the  following  day  his  lordship  caused  all  the  men 


HOW   DIEGO    MENDEZ    SAVED    COLUMBUS.  47 

to  appear  together  before  him,  and  then  opened  the 
matter  to  them  in  the  same  manner  as  he  had  done  to 
me.  When  they  heard  it,  they  were  all  silent,  until  some 
said  that  it  was  out  of  the  question  to  speak  of  such  a 
thing  ;  for  it  was  impossible,  in  so  small  a  craft,  to  cross 
a  boisterous  and  perilous  gulf  of  forty  leagues'  breadth, 
and  to  pass  between  those  two  islands,  where  very  strong 
vessels  had  been  lost  in  going  to  make  discoveries, 
not  being  able  to  encounter  the  force  and  fury  of  the 
currents. 

I  then  arose,  and  said,  "  My  lord,  I  have  but  one  life, 
and  I  am  willing  to  hazard  it  in  the  service  of  your 
lordship,  and  for  the  welfare  of  all  those  who  are  here 
with  us  ;  for  I  trust  in  God,  that,  in  consideration  of  the 
motive  which  actuates  me,  he  will  give  me  deliverance, 
as  he  has  already  done  on  many  other  occasions." 
When  the  admiral  heard  my  determination,  he  arose 
and  embraced  me,  and,  kissing  me  on  the  cheek,  said, 
"  Well  did  I  know  that  there  was  no  one  here  but  your 
self  who  would  dare  to  undertake  this  enterprise.  I 
trust  in  God,  our  Lord,  that  you  will  come  out  of  it  vic 
toriously,  as  you  have  done  in  the  others  which  you  have 
undertaken." 

On  the  following  day  I  drew  my  canoe  on  to  the 
shore,  fixed  a  false  keel  on  it,  and  pitched  and  greased 
it :  I  then  nailed  some  boards  upon  the  poop  and  prow, 
to  prevent  the  sea  from  coming  in,  as  it  was  liable  to 
do  from  the  lowness  of  the  gunwales.  I  also  fixed  a 
mast  in  it,  set  up  a  sail,  and  laid  in  the  necessary  pro 
visions  for  myself,  one  Spaniard,  and  six  Indians,  mak 
ing  eight  in  all,  which  was  as  many  as  the  canoe  would 
hold.  I  then  bade  farewell  to  his  lordship  and  all  the 


48  COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

others,  and  proceeded  along  the  coast  of  Jamaica  up  to 
the  extremity  of  the  island,  which  was  thirty-five  leagues 
from  the  point  whence  we  started.  Even  this  distance 
was  not  traversed  without  considerable  toil  and  danger  ; 
for  on  the  passage  I  was  taken  prisoner  by  some  Indian 
pirates,  from  whom  God  delivered  me  in  a  marvellous, 
manner.  When  we  had  reached  the  end  of  the  island, 
and  were  remaining  there  in  the  hope  of  the  sea  becom 
ing  sufficiently  calm  to  allow  us  to  continue  our  voyage 
across  it,  many  of  the  .natives  collected  together,  with 
the  determination  of  killing  me,  and  seizing  the  canoe 
with  its  contents  ;  and  they  cast  lots  for  my  life,  to  see 
which  of  them  should  carry  their  design  into  execu 
tion. 

As  soon  as  I  became  aware  of  their  project,  I  betook 
myself  secretly  to  my  canoe,  which  I  had  left  at  three 
leagues'  distance  from  where  I  then  was,  and  set  sail 
for  the  spot  where  the  admiral  was  staying,  and  reached 
it  after  an  interval  of  fifteen  days  from  my  departure. 
I  related  to  him  all  that  had  happened,  and  how  God 
had  miraculously  rescued  me  from  the  hands  of  those 
savages.  His  lordship  was  very  joyful  at  my  arrival, 
and  asked  me  if  I  would  recommence  my  voyage.  I 
replied  that  I  would,  if  I  might  be  allowed  to  take  some 
men  to  be  with  me  at  the  extremity  of  the  island  until  I 
should  find  a  fair  opportunity  of  putting  to  sea  to  prose 
cute  my  voyage.  The  admiral  gave  me  seventy  men, 
and  with  them,  his  brother  the  adelantado,  to  stay 
with  me  until  I  put  to  sea,  and  to  remain  there  three 
days  after  my  departure.  With  this  arrangement,  I 
returned  to  the  extremity  of  the  island,  and  remained 
there  four  days. 


HOW    DIEGO    MENDEZ    SAVED    COLUMBUS.  49 

Finding  the  sea  become  calm,  I  parted  from  the 
rest  of  the  men  with  much  mutual  sorrow.  I  then  com 
mended  myself  to  God  and  our  Lady  of  Antigua,  and 
was  at  sea  five  days  and  four  nights  without  laying 
down  the  oar  from  my  hand,  but  continued  steering  the 
canoe  while  my  companions  rowed.  It  pleased  God, 
that,  at  the  end  of  five  days,  I  reached  the  Island  of 
Espanola  at  Cape  San  Miguel,  having  been  two  days 
without  eating  or  drinking ;  for  our  provisions  were  ex 
hausted.  I  brought  my  canoe  up  to  a  very  beautiful 
part  of  the  coast,  to  which  many  of  the  natives  soon 
came,  and  brought  with  them  many  articles  of  food  ;  so 
that  I  remained  there  two  days  to  take  rest.  I  took 
six  Indians  from  this  place,  and,  leaving  those  that  I 
had  brought  with  me,  I  put  off  to  sea  again,  moving 
along  the  coast  of  Espanola  ;  for  it  was  a  hundred  and 
thirty  leagues  from  the  spot  where  I  landed  to  the  city 
of  San  Domingo,  where  the  governor  dwelt.  .  .  . 

When  that  expedition  was  finished,  I  went  on  foot  to 
San  Domingo,  a  distance  of  seventy  leagues,  and  waited 
in  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  ships  from  Spain,  it 
being  now  more  than  a  year  since  any  had  come.  In 
this  interval,  it  pleased  God  that  three  ships  arrived, 
one  of  which  I  bought,  and  loaded  it  with  provisions, 
—  bread,  wine,  meat,  hogs,  sheep,  and  fruit,  —  and  de 
spatched  it  to  the  place  where  the  admiral  was  staying, 
in  order  that  he  might  come  over  in  it  with  all  his  people 
to  San  Domingo,  and  from  thence  sail  for  Spain.  I 
myself  went  on  in  advance  with  the  two  other  ships  in 
order  to  give  an  account  to  the  king  and  queen  of  all 
that  had  occurred  in  this  voyage. 

I  think  I  should  now  do  well  to  say  somewhat  of  the 


50  COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

events  which  occurred  to  the  admiral  and  to  his  family 
during  the  year  that  they  were  left  on  the  island.  A 
few  days  after  my  departure,  the  Indians  became  refrac 
tory,  and  refused  to  bring  food,  as  they  had  hitherto 
done.  The  admiral,  therefore,  caused  all  the  caciques 
to  be  summoned,  and  expressed  to  them  his  surprise 
that  they  should  not  send  food  as  they  were  wont  to  do, 
knowing,  as  they  did,  and  as  he  had  already  told  them, 
that  he  had  come  there  by  the  command  of  God.  He 
said  that  he  perceived  that  God  was  angry  with  them, 
and  that  he  would  that  very  night  give  tokens  of  his 
displeasure  by  signs  that  he  would  cause  to  appear  in 
the  heavens ;  and  as,  on  that  night,  there  was  to  be  an 
almost  total  eclipse  of  the  moon,  he  told  them  that  God 
caused  that  appearance,  to  signify  his  anger  against 
them  for  not  bringing  the  food.  The  Indians,  believ 
ing  him,  were  very  frightened,  and  promised  that  they 
would  always  bring  him  food  in  future  ;  and  so,  in  fact, 
they  did,  until  the  arrival  of  the  ship  which  I  had  sent 
loaded  with  provisions.  The  admiral,  and  those  who 
were  with  him,  felt  no  small  joy  at  the  arrival  of  this 
ship.  And  his  lordship  afterwards  informed  me  in 
Spain,  that  in  no  part  of  his  life  did  he  ever  experience 
so  joyful  a  day ;  for  he  had  never  hoped  to  have  left 
that  place  alive.  And  in  that  same  ship  he  set  sail, 
and  went  to  San  Domingo,  and  thence  to  Spain. 


APPEAL    OF   COLUMBUS    IN    HIS    OLD    AGE.  51 


IX. — APPEAL  OF  COLUMBUS  IN  HIS  OLD  AGE. 

[To  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain.  Taken  from  his  letter  (1503) 
describing  his  fourth  voyage.] 

SUCH  is  my  fate,  that  the  twenty  years  of  service 
through  which  I  have  passed  with  so  much  toil  and 
danger  have  profited  me  nothing,  and  at  this  very  day 
I  do  not  possess  a  roof  in  Spain  that  I  can  call  my  own. 
If  I  wish  to  eat  or  sleep,  I  have  nowhere  to  go  but  to 
the  inn  or  tavern,  and  most  times  lack  wherewith  to  pay 
the  bill.  Another  anxiety  wrung  my  very  heart-strings, 
which  was  the  thought  of  my  son  Diego,  whom  I  had 
left  an  orphan  in  Spain,  and  stripped  of  the  honor  and 
property  which  were  due  to  him  on  my  account,  although 
I  had  looked  upon  it  as  a  certainty  that  your  Majesties, 
as  just  and  grateful  princes,  would  restore  it  to  him  in 
all  respects  with  increase.  .  .  . 

For  seven  years  was  I  at  your  royal  court,  where 
every  one  to  whom  the  enterprise  was  mentioned  treated 
it  as  ridiculous  ;  but  now  there  is  not  a  man,  down  to 
the  very  tailors,  who  does  not  beg  to  be  allowed  to  become 
a  discoverer.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  they  make 
the  voyage  only  for  plunder,  and  that  they  are  permitted 
to  do  so  to  the  great  disparagement  of  my  honor,  and  the 
detriment  of  the  undertaking  itself.  It  is  right  to  give 
God  his  due,  and  to  receive  that  which  belongs  to  one's 
self.  This  is  a  just  sentiment,  and  proceeds  from  just 
feelings.  The  lands  in  this  part  of  the  world,  which  are 
now  under  your  Highnesses'  sway,  are  richer  and  more 
extensive  than  those  of  any  other  Christian  power ;  and 
yet,  after  that  I  had,  by  the  divine  will,  placed  them 

^er  your  high  and  royal  sovereignty,  and  was  on  the 


52  COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 

point  of  bringing  your  Majesties  into  the  receipt  of  a 
very  great  and  unexpected  revenue ;  and  while  I  was 
waiting  for  ships  to  convey  me  in  safety,  and  with  a 
heart  full  of  joy,  to  your  royal  presence,  victoriously  to 
announce  the  news  of  the  gold  that  I  had  discovered, 
I  was  arrested,  and  thrown  with  my  two  brothers, 
loaded  with  irons,  into  a  ship,  stripped,  and  very  ill 
treated,  without  being  allowed  any  appeal  to  justice.  .  .  . 
I  was  twenty-eight  years  old  when  I  came  into  your 
Highnesses'  service,  and  now. I  have  not  a  hair  upon 
me  that  is  not  gray :  my  body  is  infirm,  and  all  that  was 
left  to  me,  as  well  as  to  my  brothers,  has  been  taken 
away  and  sold,  even  to  the  frock  that  I  wore,  to  my 
great  dishonor.  I  cannot  but  believe  that  this  was  done 
without  your  royal  permission.  The  restitution  of  my 
honor,  the  reparation  of  my  losses,  and  the  punishment 
of  those  who  have  inflicted  them,  will  redound  to  the 
honor  of  your  royal  character.  A  similar  punishment 
also  is  due  to  those  who  have  plundered  me  of  my 
pearls,  and  who  have  brought  a  disparagement  upon 
the  privileges  of  my  admiralty.  Great  and  unexampled 
will  be  the  glory  and  fame  of  your  Highnesses,  if  you 
do  this ;  and  the  memory  of  your  Highnesses,  as  just 
and  grateful  sovereigns,  will  survive  as  a  bright  example 
to  Spain  in  future  ages.  The  honest  devotedness  I  have 
always  shown  to  your  Majesties'  service,  and  the  so 
unmerited  outrage  with  which  it  has  been  repaid,  will 
not  allow  my  soul  to  keep  silence,  however  much  I  may 
wish  it.  I  implore  your  Highnesses  to  forgive  my  com 
plaints.  I  am  indeed  in  as  ruined  a  condition  as  I  have 
related.  Hitherto  I  have  wept  over  others  :  may  Heaven 
now  have  mercy  upon  me,  and  may  the  earth  weep  for 
me ! 


BOOK   III. 

CABOT  AND  VERRAZZANO. 

(A.D.    1497-1524.) 


SHIP   OF   THE    I5TH    CENTURY. 


The  first  of  these  extracts  in  regard  to  the  Cabots  may  be  found  in 
one  of  the  Hakluyt  Society's  volumes,  entitled  "  Henry  Hudson  the  Navi 
gator,  edited  by  G.  M.  Asher,"  London,  1860,  p.  Ixix. 

The  extracts  which  follow  are  from  another  volume  of  the  same  series, 
entitled  "  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages,"  London,  1850,  pp.  23-26. 

Verrazzano's  narrative  is  taken  from  "  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages," 
same  edition,  pp.  55-71.  Another  translation,  by  J.  G.  Cogswell,  may  be 
found,  with  the  original  Italian  narrative,  in  the  Collections  of  the  New 
York  Historical  Society,  second  series,  vol.  i. 


CABOT  AND  VERRAZZANO. 


I.  —  FIRST  NEWS  OF  JOHN  AND  SEBASTIAN  CABOT. 

[From  a  letter  written  by  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo,  from  London,  to  his 
brothers  in  Venice,  and  dated  Aug.  23,  1497.] 

THIS  Venetian  of  ours,  who  went  with  a  ship  from 
Bristol  in  quest  of  new  islands,  is  returned,  and 
says  that  seven  hundred  leagues  hence  he  discovered 
"  terra  firma," l.  which  is  the  territory  of  the  Grand 
Cham.2  He  coasted  for  three  hundred  leagues,  and 
landed.  He  saw  no  human  being  whatsoever  ;  but  he 
has  brought  hither  to  the  king  certain  snares  which  had 
been  set  to  catch  game,  and  a  needle  for  making  nets  ; 
he  also  found  some  felled  trees  :  wherefore  he  supposed 
there  were  inhabitants,  and  returned  to  his  ship  in 
alarm. 

He  was  three   months   on   the  voyage,  it   is   quite 

1  Firm  land,  or  continent. 

2  The  name  then  given  to  the  sovereign  of  Tartary,  now  called  "  Khan." 
Shakspeare,  in  "  Much  Ado  about  Nothing,"  written  about  1600,  says, 
"  Fetch  you  a  hair  off  the  great  Cham's  beard." 

'     55 


56  CABOT   AND    VERRAZZANO. 

certain  ;  and,  coming  back,  he  saw  two  islands  to  star 
board,  but  would  not  land,  time  being  precious,  as  he 
was  short  of  provisions.  The  king  is  much  pleased 
with  this  intelligence.  He  says  that  the  tides  are  slack, 
and  do  not  flow  as  they  do  here. 

The  king  has  promised,  that,  in  the  spring,  he  shall 
have  ten  ships  armed  according  to  his  own  fancy ;  and, 
at  his  request,  he  has  conceded  to  him  all  the  prisoners, 
except  such  as  are  confined  for  high  treason,  to  man 
them  with.  He  has  also  given  him  money  wherewith 
to  amuse  himself  till  then  ;  and  he  is  now  at  Bristol 
with  his  wife,  who  is  a  Venetian  woman,  and  with  his 
sons.  His  name  is  Zuan1  Cabot;  and  they  call  him  the 
great  admiral.  Vast  honor  is  paid  him,  and  he  dresses 
in  silk;  and  these  English  run  after  him  like  mad 
people,  so  that  he  can  enlist  as  many  of  them  as  he 
pleases,  and  a  number  of  our  own  rogues  besides. 

The  discoverer  of  these  places  planted  on  his  new 
found  land  a  large  cross,  with  one  flag  of  England,  and 
another  of  St.  Mark,  by  reason  of  his  being  a  Vene 
tian  ;  so  that  our  banner  has  floated  very  far  afield. 


II.  —  SEBASTIAN  CABOT'S  VOYAGE. 

[The  following  notes,  preserved  in  "  Hakluyt's  Voyages,"  give  the 
earliest  authentic  information  about  Sebastian  Cabot.] 

A  NOTE  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  Voyage  of  Discovery, 
taken  out  of  an  old  Chronicle  written  by  Robert  Fabian, 
sometime  Alderman  of  London,  which  is  in  the  custody 

l  John. 


SEBASTIAN    CABOT'S    VOYAGE.  57 

of  John   Stowe,  Citizen,  a  diligent  searcher  and   pre 
server  of  Antiquities. 

This  year l  the  King 2 — by  means  of  a  Venetian  which 
made  himself  very  expert  and  cunning  in  knowledge  of 
the  circuit  of  the  world  and  islands  of  the  same,  as  by 
a  card  and  other  demonstrations  reasonable  he  showed, 
—  caused  to  man  and  victual  a  ship  at  Bristol,  to  search 
for  an  island  which  he  said  he  knew  well  was  rich  and 
replenished  with  rich  commodities.  Which  ship  thus 
manned  and  victualled  at  the  King's  cost,  divers  mer 
chants  of  London  ventured  in  her  small  stocks,  being 
in  her  as  chief  patron,  the  said  Venetian.  And  in  the 
company  of  the  said  ship  sailed  also  out  of  Bristol 
three  or  four  small  ships  fraught  with  slight  and  gross 
merchandises,  as  coarse  cloth,  caps,  laces,  points,  and 
other  trifles,  and  so  departed  from  Bristol  in  the  begin 
ning  of  May  :  of  whom  in  this  Mayor's  time  returned 
no  tidings. 

Of  three  savage  men  which  he  brought  home,  and 
presented  unto  the  King  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  his 
reign. 

This  year  also  were  brought  unto  the  King  three  men 
taken  in  the  new  found  island,  that  before  I  spake  of 
in  William  Purchas'  time,  being  Mayor.  These  were 
clothed  in  beast's  skins,  and  ate  raw  flesh,  and  spake 
such  speech  that  no  man  could  understand  them,  and 
in  their  demeanor  like  to  brute  beasts,  whom  the  King 
kept  a  time  after.  Of  the  which  upon  two  years  past 
after,  I  saw  two  apparelled  after  the  manner  of  English 
men,  in  Westminster  Palace,  which  at  that  time  I  could 

l  1498.  2  Henry  VII. 


58  CABOT    AND    VERRAZZANO. 

not  discern  from  Englishmen,  till  I  was  learned  what 
they  were.  But  as  for  speech,  I  heard  none  of  them 
utter  one  word. 

John  Baptista  Ramusius,  in  his  Preface  to  the  third 
volume  of  the  Navigations,  writeth  thus  of  Sebastian 
Gabot:1- 

In  the  latter  part  of  this  volume  are  put  certain 
relations  of  John  De  Verarzana,2  a  Florentine,  and  of  a 
great  captain,  a  Frenchman,  and  the  two  voyages  of 
Jaques  Cartier,  a  Briton,3  who  sailed  into  the  land  set 
in  fifty  degrees  of  latitude  to  the  north,  which  is  called 
New  France  :  and  the  which  lands  hitherto  it  is  not 
thoroughly  known  whether  they  do  join  with  the  firm 
land  of  Florida  and  Nova  Hispania,  or  whether  they 
be  separated  and  divided  all  by  the  Sea  as  Islands  :  and 
whether  by  that  way  one  may  go  by  sea  into  the  country 
of  Cathaio  : 4  as  many  years  past  it  was  written  unto 
me  by  Sebastian  Gabot,  our  countryman  Venetian,  a 
man  of  great  experience,  and  very  rare  in  the  art  of 
Navigation  and  the  knowledge  of  Cosmography :  who 
sailed  along  and  beyond  this  land  of  New  France,  at 
the  charges  of  King  Henry  the  seventh,  King  of  Eng 
land.  And  he  told  me  that  having  sailed  a  long  time 
West  and  by  North  beyond  these  islands  unto  the  lati 
tude  of  sixty-seven  degrees  and  a  half  under  the  North 
Pole,  and  at  the  n  day  of  June,  finding  still  the 
open  sea  without  any  manner  of  impediment,  he 
thought  verily  by  that  way  to  have  passed  on  still  the 
way  to  Cathaio,  which  is  in  the  East  and  would  have 

1  Cabot.  2  Verrazzano. 

8  i.e.,  from  Brittany,  in  France.  4  Cathay. 


SEBASTIAN    CABOT'S    VOYAGE.  59 

done  it,  if  the  mutiny  of  the  shipmaster  and  mariners 
had  not  rebelled,  and  made  him  to  return  homewards 
from  that  place.  But  it  seemeth  that  God  cloth  yet 
reserve  this  great  enterprise  for  some  great  Prince  to 
discover  this  voyage  of  Cathaio  by  this  way  :  which 
for  the  bringing  of  the  spiceries  from  India  into  Europe 
were  the  most  easy  and  shortest  of  all  other  ways 
hitherto  found  out.  And,  surely,  this  enterprise  would 
be  the  most  glorious,  and  of  most  importance  of  all 
other,  that  can  be  imagined,  to  make  his  name  great, 
and  fame  immortal,  to  all  ages  to  come,  far  more  than 
can  be  done  by  any  of  all  these  great  troubles  and  wars, 
which  daily  are  used  in  Europe  among  the  miserable 
Christian  people. 

This  much  concerning  Sebastian  Gabot's  discovery 
may  suffice  for  a  present  cast :  but  shortly,  God  willing, 
shall  come  out  in  print,  all  his  own  maps  and  discourses, 
drawn  and  written  by  himself,  which  are  in  the  custody 
of  the  worshipful  master  William  Worthington,  one  of 
her  Majesty's  Pensioners,  who — because  so  worthy 
monuments  should  not  be  buried  in  perpetual  oblivion, 
—  is  very  willing  to  suffer  them  to  be  overseen  and  pub 
lished  in  as  good  order  as  may  be,  to  the  encouragement 
and  benefit  of  our  countrymen.1 

1  But  these  papers  never  were  printed. 


6o 


CABOT    AND    VERRAZZANO. 


III.  —  VERRAZZANO'S  LETTER  TO  THE  KING. 

[This  letter  is  said  to  have  been  written  at  Dieppe,  July  8,  1524,  being 
addressed  to  King  Francis  I.  of  France. 

This  narrative,  if  authentic,  is  the  earliest  original  account  of  the 
Atlantic  coast  of  the  United  States.  Its  authenticity  has  been  doubted; 
and  Mr.  Bancroft,  in  the  new  edition  of  his  History,  does  not  refer  to  it 
at  all.  But,  as  the  question  is  still  unsettled,  the  letter  is  included  here.] 

I  WROTE  not  to  your  Majesty  (most  Christian  king), 
since  the  time  we  suffered 
the  tempest  in  the  north 
parts,  of  the  success  of 
the  four  ships  which  your 
Majesty  sent  forth  to  dis 
cover  new  lands  by  the 
ocean,  thinking  your  Majes 
ty  had  been  already  duly  in 
formed  thereof.  Now  by 
these  presents  I  will  give 
your  Majesty  to  understand 
how,  by  the  violence  of  the 
winds,  we  were  forced  with  the  two  ships,  the  "  Norman  " 
and  the  "  Dolphin,"  in  such  evil  case  as  they  were,  to 
land  in  Brittany.  Where  after  we  had  repaired  them  in 
all  points  as  was  needful,  and  armed  them  very  well,  we 
took  our  course  along  by  the  coast  of  Spain.  After 
wards,  with  the  "Dolphin"  alone,  we  determined  to 
make  discovery  of  new  countries,  to  prosecute  the  navi 
gation  we  had  already  begun  ;  which  I  purpose  at  this 
present  to  recount  unto  your  Majesty,  to  make  manifest 
the  whole  proceeding  of  the  matter.  The  i7th  of  Janu 
ary,  the  year  1524,  by  the  grace  of  God  we  departed 


VERRAZZANO. 


VERRAZZANO'S    LETTER    TO    THE    KING.  6 1 

from  the  dishabited  rock,1  by  4he  Isle  of  Madeira, 
appertaining  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  with  fifty  men, 
with  victuals,  weapon,  and  other  ship  munition  very  well 
provided  and  furnished  for  eight  months.  And,  sailing 
westwards  with  a  fair  easterly  wind,  in  twenty-five  days 
we  ran  five  hundred  leagues  ;  and  the  2oth  of  February 
we  were  overtaken  with  as  sharp  and  terrible  a  tempest 
as  ever  any  sailors  suffered :  whereof,  with  the  divine 
help  and  merciful  assistance  of  Almighty  God,  and  the 
goodness  of  our  ship,  accompanied  with  the  good  hap 
of  her  fortunate  name,  we  were  delivered,  and  with  a 
prosperous  wind  followed  our  course  west  by  north. 
And  in  other  twenty-five  days  we  made  about  four  hun 
dred  leagues-  more,  where  we  discovered  a  new  land 2 
never  before  seen  of  any  man,  either  ancient  or  modern. 
And  at  the  first  sight  it  seemed  somewhat  low ;  but, 
being  within  a  quarter  of  a  league  of  it,  we  perceived, 
by  the  great  fires  that  we  saw  by  the  seacoast,  that  it 
was  inhabited,  and  saw  that  the  land  stretched  to  the 
southwards.  .  .  . 

While  we  rode  3  upon  that  coast,  partly  because  it 
had  no  harbor,  and  for  that  we  wanted  water,  we  sent 
our  boat  ashore  with  twenty-five  men,  where,  by  reason 
of  great  and  continual  waves  that  beat  against  the 
shore,  being  an  open  coast,  without  succor  none  of  our 
men  could  possibly  go  ashore  without  losing  our  boat. 
We  saw  there  many  people  which  came  unto  the  shore 
making  divers  signs  of  friendship,  and  showing  that 
they  were  content  we  should  come  a-land;  and  by 
trial  we  found  them  to  be  very  courteous  and  gentle,  as 

1  One  of  the  Dezertas.     Dishabited  means  uninhabited. 

2  Probably  the  South  Carolina  coast.  3  At  anchor. 


62  CABOT    AND    VERRAZZANO. 

your  Majesty  shall  understand  by  the  success.  To  the 
intent  we  might  send  them  of  our  things,  which  the 
*  Indians  commonly  desire  and  esteem,  as  sheets  of 
paper,  glasses,  bells,  and  such  like  trifles,  we  sent  a 
young  man,  one  of  our  mariners,  ashore,  who  swimming 
towards  them,  and  being  within  three  or  four  yards  off 
the  shore,  not  trusting  them,  cast  the  things  upon 
the  shore.  Seeking  afterwards  to  return,  he  was  with 
such  violence  of  the  waves  beaten  upon  the  shore,  that 
he  was  so  bruised  that  he  lay  there  almost  dead,  which 
the  Indians  perceiving,  ran  to  catch  him,  and,  drawing 
him  out,  they  carried  him  a  little  way  off  from  the  sea. 
The  young  man,  perceiving  theycarried  him,  being  at 
the  first  dismayed,  began  then  greatly  to  fear,  and  cried 
out  piteously.  Likewise  did  the  Indians,  which  did 
accompany  him,  going  about  to  cheer  him  and  give 
him  courage  ;  and  then  setting  him  on  the  ground  at 
the  foot  of  a  little  hill  against  the  sun,  began  to  behold 
him  with  great  admiration,  marvelling  at  the  whiteness 
of  his  flesh.  And,  putting  off  his  clothes,  they  made 
him  warm  at  a  great  fire,  not  without  our  great  fear, 
which  remained  in  the  boat,  that  they  would  have 
roasted  him  at  that  fire  and  have  eaten  him.  The 
young  man  having  recovered  his  strength,  and  having 
staid  a  while  with  them,  showed  them  by  signs  that  he 
was  desirous  to  return  to  the  ship.  And  they  with 
great  love,  clapping  him  fast  about  with  many  embra- 
cings,  accompanying  him  unto  the  sea,  and,  to  put 
him  in  more  assurance,  leaving  him  alone,  went  unto 
a  high  ground,  and  stood  there,  beholding  him  until  he 
was  entered  into  the  boat.  This  young  man  observed, 
as  we  did  also,  that  these  are  of  color  inclining  to  black, 


VERRAZZANO  S    LETTER    TO    THE    KING.  63 

as  the  others  were,  with  their  flesh  very  shining,  of 
mean  stature,  handsome  visage,  and  delicate  limbs,  and 
.of  very  little  strength,  but  of  prompt  wit ;  farther  we 
observed  not.  , 


VERRAZZANO    IN    NEWPORT    HARBOR. 


Departing  from  hence,  following  the  shore,  which 
trended  somewhat  toward  the  north,  in  fifty  leagues' 
space  we  came  to  another  land,  which  showed  much 
more  fair,  and  full  of  woods,  being  very  great,  where  we 
rode  at  anchor ;  and,  that  we  might  have  some  knowl 
edge  thereof,  we  sent  twenty  men  a-land,1  which  entered 
into  the  country  about  two  leagues,  and  they  found  that 
the  people  were  fled  to  the  woods  for  fear.  They  saw 
only  one  old  woman  with  a  young  maid  of  eighteen  or 

1  To  land. 


64  CABOT    AND    VERRAZZANO. 

twenty  years  old,  which,  seeing  our  company,  hid  thenv 
selves  in  the  grass  for  fear.  The  old  woman  carried 
two  infants  on  her  shoulders,  and  behind  her  neck  a 
child  of  eight  years  old.  The  young  woman  was  laden 
likewise  with  as  many.  But,  when  our  men  came  unto 
them,  the  old  woman  made  signs  that  the  men  were  fled 
into  the  woods  as  soon  as  they  saw  us.  To  quiet  them, 
and  to  win  their  favor,  our  men  gave  them  such  victuals 
as  they  had  with  them  to  eat,  which  the  old  woman 
received  thankfully;  but  the  young  woman  disdained 
.them  all,  and  threw  them  disdainfully  on  the  ground. 
They  took  a  child  from  the  old  woman  to  bring  into 
France ;  and  going  about  to  take  the  young  woman, 
which  was  very  beautiful,  and  of  tall  stature,  could  not 
possibly,  for  the  great  outcries  that  she  made,  bring 
her  to  the  sea ;  and  especially  having  great  woods  to 
pass  through,  and  being  far  from  the  ship,  we  purposed 
to  leave  her  behind,  bearing  away  the  child  only.  We 
found  those  folks  to  be  more  white  than  those  that  we 
found  before,  being  clad  with  certain  leaves  that  hang 
on  the  boughs  of  trees,  which  they  sew  together  with 
threads  of  wild  hemp.  Their  heads  were  trussed  up 
after  the  same  manner  as  the  former  were.  Their 
ordinary  food  is  of  pulse,1  whereof  they  have  great  store, 
differing  in  color  and  taste  from  ours,  of  good  and 
pleasant  taste.  Moreover  they  live  by  fishing  and 
fowling,  which  they  take  with  gins 2  and  bows  made  of 
hard  wood,  the  arrows  of  canes  being  headed  with  the 
bones  of  fish  and  other  beasts.  The  beasts  in  these 
parts  are  much  wilder  than  in  our  Europe,  by  reason 
they  are  continually  chased  and  hunted. 

1  Beans,  or  peas.  2  Traps. 


VERRAZZANO'S    LETTER   TO    THE    KING.  65 

We  saw  many  of  their  boats,  made  of  one  tree, 
twenty  feet  long  and  four  feet  broad,  which  are  not 
made  of  iron,  or  stone,  or  any  other  kind  of  metal, 
because  that  in  all  this  country,  for  the  space  of  two 
hundred  leagues  which  we  ran,  we  never  saw  one  stone 


INDIANS   MAKING   CANOES. 


of  any  sort.  They  help  themselves  with  fire,  burning 
so  much  of  the  tree  as  is  sufficient  for  the  hollowness 
of  the  boat :  the  like  they  do  in  making  the  stern  and 
forepart,  until  it  be  fit  to  sail  upon  the  sea.  .  .  . 

And  we  came  to  another  land,1  being  fifteen  leagues 
distant  from  the  island,  where  we  found  a  passing  good 
haven,  wherein  being  entered,  we  found  about  twenty 
small  boats  of  the  people,  which,  with  divers  cries  and 
wonderings,  came  about  our  ship.  Coming  no  nearer 
than  fifty  paces  towards  usr  they  staid  and  beheld  the 
artificialness  of  our  ship,  our  shape,  and  apparel,  that 
they  all  made  a  loud  shout  together,  declaring  that  they 
rejoiced.  When  we  had  something  animated2  them, 
using  their  gestures,  they  came  so  near  us,  that  we 

1  Probably  Narragansett  Bay.         2  i.e.  somewhat  encouraged. 


66  CABOT   AND    VERRAZZANO. 

cast  them  certain  bells  and  glasses  and  many  toys, 
which  when  they  had  received,  they  looked  on  them 
with  laughing,  and  came  without  fear  aboard  our  ship. 
There  were  amongst  these  people  two  kings  of  so 
goodly  stature  and  shape  as  is  possible  to  declare : 
the  eldest  was  about  forty  years  of  age ;  the  second  was 
a  young  man  of  twenty  years  old.  Their  apparel  was 
on  this  manner :  the  elder  had  upon  his  naked  body  a 
hart's l  skin,  wrought  artificially  with  divers  branches 
like  damask.  His  head  was  bare,  with  the  hair  tied  up 
behind  with  divers  knots.  About  his  neck  he  had  a 
large  chain  garnished  with  divers  stones  of  sundry 
colors.  The  young  man  was  almost  apparelled  after 
the  same  manner.  This  is  the  goodliest  people,  and 
of  the  fairest  conditions,  that  we  have  found  in  this 
our  voyage.  They  exceed  us  in  bigness.  They  are  of 
the  color  of  brass,  some  of  them  incline  more  to  white 
ness  :  others  are  of  a  yellow  color,  of  comely  visage, 
with  long  and  black  hair,  which  they  are  very  careful 
to  trim  and  deck  up.  ... 

There  are  also  of  them  which  wear  on  their  arms 
very  rich  skins  of  leopards :  they  adorn  their  heads 
with  divers  ornaments  made  of  their  own  hair,  which 
hangs  down  before  on  both  sides  their  breasts  :  others 
use  other  kind  -of  dressing  themselves,  like  unto  the 
women  of  Egypt  and  Syria.  These  are  of  the  elder 
sort ;  and,  when  they  are  married,  they  wear  divers 
toys,2  according  to  the  usage  of  the  people  of  the  East, 
as  well  men  as  women.  .  .  . 

Among  whom  we  saw  many  plates  of  wrought  cop 
per,  which  they  esteem  more  than  gold,  which  for  the 

l  Deer's.  2  Various  ornaments. 


VERRAZZANO'S    LETTER    TO    THE    KING.  67 

color  they  make  no  account  of,  for  that  among  all  other 
it  is  counted  the  basest.  They  make  the  most  account 
.of  azure  and  red.  The  things  that  they  esteemed  most 
of  all  those  which  we  gave  them  were  bells,  crystal  of 
azure  color,  and  other  toys  to  hang  at  their  ears  or 
about  their  neck.  They  did  not  desire  cloth  of  silk  or 
gold,  much  less  of  any  other  sort ;  neither  cared  they 
for  things  made  of  steel  and  iron,  which  we  often  showed 
them  in  our  armor,  which  they  made  no  wonder  at;  and, 
in  beholding  them,  they  only  asked  the  art  of  making 
them.  The  like  they  did  at  our  glasses,1  which  when 
they  beheld,  they  suddenly  laughed,  and  gave  them  us 
again.  .  .  . 

And  oftentimes  one  of  the  two  kings  coming  with 
his  queen,  and  many  gentlemen  for  their  pleasure,  to 
see  us,  they  all  staid  on  the  shore,  two  hundred  paces 
from  us,  sending  a  small  boat  to  give  us  intelligence  of 
their  coming,  saying  they  would  come  to  see  our  ship. 
This  they  did  in  token  of  safety ;  and,  as  soon  as  they 
had  answer  from  IPS,  they  came  immediately,  and,  hav 
ing  staid  awhile  to  behold  it,  they  wondered  at  hearing 
the  cries  and  noise  of  the  mariners.  The  queen  and 
her  maids  staid  in  a  very  light  boat,  at  an  island  a 
quarter  of  a  league  off,  while  the  king  abode  a  long 
space  in  our  ship,  uttering  divers  conceits  2  with  ges 
tures,  viewing  with  great  admiration  all  the  furniture  of 
the  ship,  demanding  the  property  of  every  thing  partic 
ularly.  He  took  likewise  great  pleasure  in  beholding 
our  apparel,  and  in  tasting  our  meats,  and  so  courte 
ously  taking  his  leave  departed.  And  sometimes  our 
men  staying  for  two  or  three  days  on  a  little  island 

1  Mirrors.  2  Various  exclamations. 


68  CABOT    AND    VERRAZZANO. 

near  the  ship  for  divers  necessaries,  —  as  it  is  the  use 
of  seamen,  —  he  returned  with  seven  or  eight  of  his 
gentlemen  to  see  what  we  did,  and  asked  of  us  ofttimes 
if  we  meant  to  make  any  long  abode  there,  offering  us 
of  their  provision  ;  then  the  king,  drawing  his  bow,  and 
running  up  and  down  with  his  gentlemen,  made  much 
sport  to  gratify  our  men.  .  .  . 

We  found  another  land  l  high,  full  of  thick  woods, 
the  trees  whereof  were  firs,  cypresses,  and  such  like  as 
are  wont  to  grow  in  cold  countries.  The  people  differ 
much  from  the  other,  and  look !  how  much  the  former 
seemed  to  be  courteous  and  gentle,  so  much  were  these 
full  of  rudeness  and  ill  manners,  and  so  barbarous,  that 
by  no  signs  that  ever  we  could  make,  we  could  have 
any  kind  of  traffic  with  them.  They  clothe  themselves 
with  bears'  skins,  and  leopards',  and  seals',  and  other 
beasts'  skins.  Their  food,  as  far  as  we  could  perceive, 
repairing  often  unto  their  dwellings,  we  suppose  to  be 
by  hunting  and  fishing,  and  of  certain  fruits,  which  are 
a  kind  of  roots  which  the  earth  yieldeth  of  her  own 
accord.  They  have  no  grain,  neither  saw  we  any  kind 
or  sign  of  tillage ;  neither  is  the  land,  for  the  barrenness 
thereof,  apt  to  bear  fruit  or  seed.  If,  at  any  time,  we 
desired  by  exchange  to  have  any  of  their  commodities, 
they  used  to-  come  to  the  seashore  upon  certain  craggy 
rocks,  and,  we  standing  in  our  boats,  they  let  down  with 
a  rope  what  it  pleased  them  to  give  us,  crying  contin 
ually  that  we  should  not  approach  to  the  land,  demand 
ing  immediately  the  exchange,  taking  nothing  but  knives, 
fish-hooks,  and  tools  to  cut  withal ;  neither  did  they  make 
any  account  of  our  courtesy.  And  when  we  had  nothing 

1  Probably  the  coast  of  Maine. 


VERRAZZANO'S    LETTER    TO    THE    KING.  69 

left  to  exchange  with  them,  when  we  dep'arted  from 
them,  the  people  showed  all  signs  of  discourtesy  and 
disdain  as  was  possible  for  any  creature  to  invent.  We 
were,  in  despite  of  them,  two  or  three  leagues  within 
the  land,  being  in  number  twenty-five  armed  men  of  us. 
And,  when  we  went  on  shore,  they  shot  at  us  with  their 
bows,  making  great  outcries,  and  afterwards  fled  into 
the  woods.  .  .  . 

Having  now  spent  all  our  provision  and  victuals,  and 
having  discovered  about  seven  hundred  leagues  and 
more  of  new  countries,  and  being  furnished  with  water 
and  wood,  we  concluded  to  return  into  France. 


BOOK  IV. 

THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE 
VACA. 

(A.D.  1528-1533.) 


These  extracts  are  taken  from  "  The  Narrative  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca, 
translated  by  Buckingham  Smith,"  Washington,  1851,  pp.  30-99.  See, 
also,  Henry  Kingsley's  "  Tales  of  Old  Travel." 


THE    STRANGE   VOYAGE    OF    CABEZA 
DE   VACA. 


I.  —  THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE. 

[Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca  sailed  for  Florida  in  June,  1527,  as 
treasurer  of  a  Spanish  armada,  or  armed  fleet.  In  Cuba  they  encountered 
a  hurricane,  which  delayed  them  ;  but  they  at  last  reached  the  coast  of 
Florida  in  February,  1 528,  probably  landing  at  what  is  now  called  Charlotte 
Harbor.  A  portion  of  the  party  left  their  ships,  and  marched  into  the 
interior,  reaching  a  region  which  they  called  Apalache,  probably  in  what  is 
now  Alabama.  Then  they  were  driven  back  to  the  seashore,  amid  great 
hardships,  losing  one-third  of  their  number  before  they  reached  Ante,  now 
the  Bay  of  St.  Mark's.  Near  this  they  came  to  the  sea  ;  and.  here  the 
narrative  begins.] 

IT  was  a  piteous  and  painful  thing  to  witness  the 
perplexity  and  distress  in  which  we  were.  At  our 
arrival,  we  saw  the  little  means  there  were  of  our 
advancing  farther  :  there  was  not  anywhere  to  go,  and, 
if  there  had  been,  the  people  could  not  move  forward, 
because  the  greater  part  of  them  were  sick,  and  there 
were  few  that  could  be  of  any  use.  .  .  . 

The  governor  called  them  all  to  him,  and  of  each  by 
himself  he  asked  his  advice  what  to  do  to  get  out  of  a 
country  so  miserable,  and  seek  elsewhere  that  remedy 


74    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

which  could  not  here  be  found,  a  third  part  of  the  people 
being  very  sick,  and  the  number  increasing  every  hour ; 
for  we  regarded  it  as  certain  that  we  should  all  become 
so,  and  out  of  it  we  could  only  pass  through  death ; 
which,  from  its  coming  in  such  a  place,  was  to  us  only 
the  more  terrible.  These  and  many  other  embarrass 
ments  considered,  and  entertaining  many  plans,  we 


CABEZA    DE    VACA    BUILDING    THE    BOAT. 


coincided  in  one  great  project,  extremely  difficult  to  put 
in  operation,  and  that  was,  to  build  vessels  in  which  we 
might  go  away.  This  to  all  appeared  impossible ;  for 
we  knew  not  how  to  build,  nor  were  there  tools,  nor 
iron,  nor  forge,  nor  tow,  nor  resin,  nor  rigging  ;  finally, 
no  one  thing  of  so  many  that  are  necessary,  nor  any 
man  who  had  a  knowledge  of  their  manufacture.  And, 


THE    STRANGE    VOYAGE.  75 

above  all,  there  was  nothing  to  eat  the  while  they  were 
making,  nor  any  knowledge  in  those  who  would  have  to 
perform  the  labor.  Reflecting  on  all  this,  we  agreed 
to  think  of  the  subject  with  more  deliberation ;  and  the 
discourse  dropped  for  that  day,  each  going  his  way, 
commending  our  course  to  God,  our  Lord,  that  he 
should  direct  it  as  would  best  serve  him. 

The  next  day,  it  was  His  will  that  one  of  the  company 
should  come,  saying  that  he  could  make  some  pipe  out 
of  wood,  which,  with  deer-skins,  might  be  made  into 
bellows ;  and,  as  we  lived  in  a  time  when  any  thing  that 
had  the  semblance  of  relief  appeared  well,  we  told  him 
to  set  himself  to  work.  We  assented  to  the  making  of 
nails,  saws,  axes,  and  other  tools,  of  which  there  was 
such  need,  from  the  stirrups,  spurs,  cross-bows,  and  the 
other  things  of  iron  that  there  were ;  and  we  said,  that, 
for  support  while  the  work  was  going  on,  we  would 
make  four  entries  into  Aute,  with  all  the  horses  and 
men  that  were  able  to  go;  and  that  every  third  day  a 
horse  should  be  killed,  which  should  be  divided  among 
those  that  had  labored  on  the  work  of  the  boats,  and 
those  that  were  sick.  The  forays  were  made  with  the 
people  and  horses  that  were  of  any  use,  and  in  them  were 
brought  back  as  many  as  four  bushels  of  maize ;  but 
these  were  not  got  without  quarrels  and  conflicts  with 
the  Indians.  We  caused  to  be  collected  many  pal 
mettos  for  the  benefit  of  the  woof  or  covering,  twisting 
and  preparing  it  for  use  in  the  place  of  tow  for  the 
boats. 

We  commenced  to  build  on  the  4th,  with  the  one 
only  carpenter  in  the  company ;  and  we  proceeded  with 
so  great  diligence,  that,  on  the  twentieth  day  of  Sep- 


7 6    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

tember,  five  boats  were  finished,  of  twenty-two  cubits  in 
length  each,  calked  with  the  fibre  of  the  palmetto.  We 
pitched  them  with  a  certain  resin,  which  was  made  from 
pine-trees,  by  a  Greek  named  Don  Theodoro  ;  and  from 
the  same  husk  of  the  palmettos,  and  from  the  tails  and 
manes  of  the  horses,  we  made  ropes  and  rigging ;  and 
from  our  shirts,  sails  ;  and  from  the  savins  l  that  grew 
there,  we  made  the  oars  that  appeared  to  us  to  be 
requisite. 

And  such  was  the  country  in  which  our  sins  had  cast 
us,  that  with  very  great  trouble  we  could  find  stone  for 
ballast  and  anchors  to  the  boats,  since  in  all  of  it  we 
had  not  seen  one.  We  flayed  the  horses,  and  took  off 
the  skins  of  their  legs  entire,  and  tanned  them,  to  make 
bottles  in  which  we  might  carry  water. 

During  this  time,  some  went  gathering  shell-fish  in 
the  coves  and  creeks  of  the  sea,  at  which  the  Indians 
twice  attacked  them,  and  killed  ten  of  our  men  in  sight 
of  the  camp,  without  our  being  able  to  afford  them 
succor.  We  found  them  traversed  from  side  to  side 
by  the  arrows  ;  and,  although  some  had  on  good  armor, 
it  did  not  afford  sufficient  protection  against  the  nice 
and  powerful  archery,  of  which  I  have  spoken  before. 
.  .  .  Before  we  embarked,  there  died,  without  enumer 
ating  those  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  more  than  forty 
men,  of  disease  and  hunger.  By  the  22d  of  the  month 
of  September,  the  horses  had  been  consumed,  one 
only  remaining  ;  and  on  that  day  we  embarked  in  the 
following  order,  —  in  the  boat  of  the  governor  there 
went  forty-nine  men  ;  in  another,  which  he  gave  to  the 
controller  and  the  commissary,  went  others  as  many. 

l  Cedars. 


THE    STRANGE    VOYAGE.  77 

The  third  he  gave  to  Capt.  Alonzo  del  Castillo  and 
Andres  Dorantes,  with  forty-eight  men ;  and  another 
he  gave  to  two  captains,  Tellez  and  Benalosa,  with 
forty-seven  men.  The  last  he  gave  to  the  assessor  and 
me,  with  forty-nine  men.  After  the  provision  and 
clothes  had  been  taken  in,  there  remained  not  over  a 
span  of  the  gunwales  l  above  the  water  ;  and,  more  than 
this,  we  went  so  crowded,  we  could  not  move.  So  much 
can  necessity  do,  which  drove  us  to  hazard  our  lives  in 
this  manner,  running  into  a  sea  so  turbulent,  with  not 
a  single  one  that  went  there  having  a  knowledge  of 
navigation. 

The  haven  we  left  has  for  its  name  La  Baya  de 
Cavallos.2  We  passed  waist-deep  in  water  through 
sounds  for  seven  days,  without  seeing  any  point  of  the 
coast;  and  at  the  close  of  them  we  came  to  an  island 
near  the  land.  My  boat  went  first ;  and  from  her  we 
saw  Indians  coming  in  five  canoes,  which  they  aban 
doned,  and  left  in  our  hands.  The  other  boats,  seeing 
us  go  towards  them,  passed  ahead,  and  stopped  at  some 
houses  on  the  island,  where  we  found  many  mullet  and 
mullet-roes  dried,  —  a  great  relief  to  the  distress  in 
which  we  were.  After  taking  these,  we  went  on,  and, 
two  leagues  thence,  we  discovered  a  strait  the  island 
makes  with  the  land,  which  we  named  San  Miguel, 
from  having  passed  through  it  on  his  day.3 

Having  come  out,  we  went  to  the  coast,  where,  with 

1  The  side  of  the  vessel. 

The  Bay  of  Horses,  probably  Choctawhatchee  Bay,  communicating 
with  Pensacola  Bay  by  Santa  Rosa  Inlet ;  but  some  suppose  it  to  have 
been  Appalachicola  Bay. 

3  St.  Michael's  Day,  Sept.  29. 


78    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

the  five  canoes  I  had  taken  from  the  Indians,  we  some 
what  improved  the  boats,  making  waist-boards,  and 
securing  them  so  that  the  sides  rose  two  palms  above 
the  waters.  With  this  we  turned  to  travel  along  the 
coast  in  the  direction  of  the  River  Palmas,  every  day 
increasing  our  hunger  and  thirst;  for  the  provisions 
were  very  scant,  and  getting  near  their  end,  and  the 
water  was  gone,  because  the  bottles  we  made  from  the 
legs  of  the  horses  soon  rotted,  and  were  useless.  Some 
times  we  entered  coves  and  creeks  that  lay  far  in,  and 
found  them  all  shallow  and  dangerous.  Thus  we  trav 
elled  thirty  days  among  them,  where  we  sometimes 
found  Indian  fishermen,  a  poor  and  miserable  people. 

At  the  end  of  this  time,  while  the  want  of  water  was 
extreme,  going  near  the  coast  at  night,  we  heard  the 
approach  of  a  canoe  ;  and  as  we  saw  it  we  waited  its 
arrival :  but  it  would  not  meet  us,  and,  although  we 
called,  it  would  not  return,  nor  wait  for  us.  As  the 
night  was  dark,  we  did  not  follow  it,  but  kept  on  our 
way.  When  the  sun  rose,  we  saw  a  small  island,  and 
went  to  it,  to  see  if  we  could  find  water :  but  our  labor 
was  vain  ;  for  it  had  none.  Being  there  at  anchor,  a 
heavy  storm  overtook  us,  that  detained  us  six  days, 
without  our  daring  to  go  to  sea  :  and,  as  it  was  now  five 
days  in  which  we  had  not  drunk,  our  thirst  was  so 
excessive,  that  it  put  us  to  the  extremity  of  drinking  salt 
water ;  and  some  of  the  men  so  greatly  crazed  them 
selves  by  it,  that  directly  we  had  four  of  them  to  die.  I 
state  this  thus  briefly,  because  I  do  not  believe  there  is 
any  necessity  for  particularly  relating  the  sufferings  and 
toils  in  which  we  found  ourselves ;  for  considering  the 
place  we  were  in,  and  the  little  hope  we  had  of  relief, 


THE    STRANGE    VOYAGE.  79 

every  one  may  conceive  much  of  what  would  have 
passed  there. 

Although  the  storm  had  not  ceased,  and  we  found  that 
our  thirst  increased,  and  the  water  killed  us,  we  resolved 
to  commend  ourselves  to  God  our  Lord,  and  venture 
the  peril  of  the  sea,  [rather]  than  await  the  certainty  of 
death  which  thirst  imposed.  Accordingly,  we  went  out 
by  the  way  in  which  we  had  seen  the  canoe  the  night 
we  came  there.  On  this  day,  we  ourselves  were  many 
times  overwhelmed  by  the  waves,  and  in  such  jeopardy, 
that  there  was  not  one  who  did  not  suppose  his  death 
certain.  I  return  thanks  to  our  Lord,  that,  in  the  great 
est  dangers,  he  should  have  shown  us  his  favor  ;  for 
at  sunset  we  doubled  a  point  made  by  the  sand,  and 
found  great  calm  and  shelter. 

So  we  sailed  that  day  until  the  middle  of  the  after 
noon,  when  my  boat,  which  was  first,  discovered  a 
point  made  by  the  land,  and,  against  a  cape  opposite,  a 
broad  river  passed.  I  anchored  by  a  little  island  which 
forms  the  point,  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  other  boats. 
The  governor  did  not  choose  to  come  up,  but  entered  a 
bay  near  by,  in  which  were  a  great  many  islets.  We 
came  together  there,  and  took  fresh  water  from  the  sea; 
for  the  stream  entered  it  impetuously.1  To  parch  some 
of  the  corn  we  had  brought  with  us,  since  we  had  eaten 
it  raw  for  two  days  past,  we  went  on  the  island  ;  but,  as 
we  found  no  wood,  we  agreed  to  go  to  the  river  behind 
the  point,  which  was  one  league  off.  We  were  unable 
to  get  there  by  any  efforts,  so  violent  was  the  current 
on  the  way,  which  drove  us  from  the  land  while  we  con 
tended,  and  strove  to  gain  it.  The  north  wind,  which 

1  It  is  thought  that  this  river  may  have  been  the  Mississippi. 


8o    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

came  from  the  shore,  began  to  blow  so  strongly,  that  it 
drove  us  to  sea  without  our  being  able  to  overcome  it. 
Half  a  league  out  we  sounded,  and  found,  that,  with 
thirty  fathoms,  we  could  not  get  the  bottom  ;  but  we 
could  not  be  satisfied  that  the  river  was  not  the  cause 
of  our  failure  to  reach  it. 

Toiling  in  this  manner  to  fetch  the  land,  we  navi 
gated  two  days,  and  at  the  end  of  the  time,  a  little 
while  before  the  sun  rose,  we  saw  many  smokes  along 
the  shore.  While  attempting  to  reach  them,  we  found 
ourselves  in  three  fathoms  of  water;  and,  it  being  dark, 
we  dared  not  come  to  land  ;  for,  as  we  had  seen  so 
many  smokes,  we  thought  some  danger  might  surprise 
us,  and  the  obscurity  leave  us  at  a  loss  what  to  do. 
So  we  determined  to  wait  until  the  morning.  When  it 
came,  the  boats  had  all  lost  sight  of  each  other.  I 
found  myself  in  thirty  fathoms ;  and,  keeping  my  course 
until  the  hour  of  vespers,  I  observed  two  boats,  and,  as 
I  drew  near  to  them,  I  found  that  the  first  I  approached 
was  that  of  the  governor,  who  asked  me  what  I  thought 
we  should  do.  I  told  him  we  ought  to  join  that  boat 
which  went  in  the  advance,  and  by  no  means  to  leave 
her ;  and,  the  three  being  together,  that  we  should  keep 
on  our  way  to  where  God  should  be  pleased  to  direct 
us.  He  answered  me,  saying  it  could  not  be  done, 
because  the  boat  was  far  to  sea,  and  he  wished  to 
reach  the  shore  ;  that,  if  I  wished  to  follow  him,  I 
should  order  the  persons  of  my  boat  to  take  the  oars, 
and  work,  as  it  was  only  by  strength  of  arm  that  the 
land  could  be  gained. 

He  was  advised  to  this  course  by  a  captain  he  had 
with  him  named  Pantoja,  who  told  him,  that,  if  he  did 


THE    STRANGE    VOYAGE.  8 1 

not  fetch  the  land  that  day,  in  six  days  more  they 
would  not  reach  it ;  and  in  that  time  they  must  inevita 
bly  famish.  I,  seeing  his  will,  took  my  oar ;  and  the 
same  did  all  who  were  in  my  boat,  to  obey  it.  We 
rowed  until  near  sunset ;  but,  as  the  governor  carried  in 
his  boat  the  healthiest  men  there  were  among  the 
whole,  we  could  not  by  any  means  hold  with  or  follow 
her.  Seeing  this,  I  asked  him  to  give  me  a  rope  from 
his  boat,  that  I  might  be  enabled  to  keep  up  with  him ; 
but  he  answered  me  that  he  would  do  no  little,1  if  they, 
as  they  were,  should  be  able  to  reach  the  land  that 
night.  I  said  to  him,  that,  since  he  sa\v  the  little 
strength  we  had  to  follow  him  and  do  what  he  had 
commanded,  he  should  tell  me  what  he  would  that  I 
should  clo.  He  answered  me,  that  it  \vas  no  longer  a 
time  in  which  one  should  command  another,  but  that 
each  should  do  what  he  thought  best  to  save  his  own 
life  ;  that  he  so  intended  to  act ;  and,  saying  this,  he 
departed  with  his  boat.  As  I  could  not  follow  him,  I 
steered  to  the  other  boat  at  sea,  which  waited  for  me ; 
and,  having  come  up  with  her,  I  found  her  to  be  the 
one  commanded  by  the  captains  Benalosa  and  Tellez. 

Thus  we  continued  in  company,  eating  a  daily  ration 
of  half  a  handful  of  raw  maize,  until  the  end  of  four 
days,  when  we  lost  sight  of  each  other  in  a  storm ;  and 
such  was  the  weather,  that  it  was  only  by  divine  favor 
that  we  did  not  all  go  clown.  Because  of  the  winter 
and  its  inclemency,  the  many  days  we  had  suffered 
hunger,  and  the  heavy  beating  of  the  waves,  the  people 
began  the  next  day  to  despair  in  such  a  manner,  that, 
when  the  sun  went  down,  all  who  were  in  my  boat  were 

1  i.e.,  that  it  would  be  as  much  as  he  could  do. 


82    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

fallen  one  on  another,  so  near  to  death,  that  there  were 
few  among  them  in  a  state  of  sensibility.  Among  them 
all  at  this  time  there  were  not  five  men  on  their  feet ; 
and,  when  the  night  came,  there  were  left  only  the 
master  and  myself  who  could  work  the  boat.  At  the 
second  hour  of  the  night,  he  said  to  me  that  I  must 
take  charge  of  her,  for  that  he  was  in  such  condition 
he  believed  that  night  he  should  die.  So  I  took  the 
paddle  ;  and  after  midnight  I  went  to  see  if  the  master 
was  alive,  and  he  said  to  me  that  he  was  better,  and 
that  he  would  take  the  charge  until  day.  I  declare 
that  in  that  hour  I  would  have  more  willingly  died  than 
seen  so  many  people  before  me  in  such  condition. 
After  the  master  took  the  direction  of  the  boat,  I  lay 
down  a  little  while,  but  without  repose ;  for  nothing  at 
that  time  was  farther  from  me  than  sleep. 

Near  the  dawn  of  day,  it  seemed  to  me  that  I  heard 
the  tumbling  of  the  sea  ;  for,  as  the  coast  was  low,  it 
roared  loudly.  Surprised  at  this,  I  called  to  the  mas 
ter,  who  answered  me  that  he  believed  we  were  near 
the  land.  We  sounded,  and  found  ouselves  in  seven 
fathoms.  He  thought  we  should  keep  the  sea  until 
sunrise  ;  and  accordingly  I  took  an  oar,  and  pulled  on 
the  side  of  the  land  until  we  were  a  league  distant ; 
and  we  then  gave  her  stern  to  the  sea.  Near  the  shore, 
a  wave  took  us  that  knocked  the  boat  out  of  the  water 
to  the  distance  of  the  throw  of  a  crowbar ;  and  by  the 
violence  of  the  blow  nearly  all  of  the  people  who  were 
in  her  like  dead  were  roused  to  consciousness.  Finding 
themselves  near  the  shore,  they  began  to  move  on 
hands  and  feet,  and  crawled  to  land  in  some  ravines. 
There  we  made  fire,  parching  some  of  the  maize  we 


CABEZA  DE  VACA  SAVED  BY  INDIANS.        83 

brought  with  us,  and  where  we  found  rain-water.  From 
the  warmth  of  the  fire  the  people  recovered  their  facul 
ties,  and  began  somewhat  to  exert  themselves.1  The 
day  on  which  we  arrived  here  was  the  6th  of  No 
vember. 


II.  —  CABEZA  DE  VACA  SAVED  BY  INDIANS. 

AFTER  the  people  had  eaten,  I  ordered  Lope  de 
Oviedo,  who  had  more  strength,  and  was  stouter,  than 
any  of  the  rest,  to  go  to  some  trees  that  were  near,  and, 
having  climbed  into  one  of  them,  to  survey  the  country 
in  which  we  were,  and  endeavor  to  get  some  knowledge 
of  it.  He  did  as  I  bade  him,  and  made  out  that  we 
were  on  an  island.  He  saw  that  the  ground  was  pawed 
up  in  the  manner  that  the  land  is  wont  to  be  where 
cattle  range  ;  and  hence  it  appeared  to  him  that  this 
should  be  the  country  of  Christians,  and  thus  he  re 
ported  to  us.  I  ordered  him  to  return  to  examine  much 
more  particularly,  and  see  if  there  were  any  roads  in 
it  that  were  worn,  and  without  going  far,  because  of 
the  danger  there  might  be.  He  went,  and,  coming  to  a 
path,  he  took  it  for  the  distance  of  half  a  league,  and 
found  some  huts  without  any  tenants,  for  the  Indians 

1  This  strange  incident  of  the  revival  of  the  men  who  seemed  to  have 
died  may  possibly  have  suggested  to  the  poet  Coleridge  that  passage  in 
his  "  Ancient  Mariner  "  where  the  dead  sailors  rise  up  again  :  — 

"  They  groaned,  they  stirred,  they  all  uprose, 

Nor  spake,  nor  moved  their  eyes  : 
1 1  had  been  strange,  even  in  a  dream, 
To  see  those  dead  men  rise." 


84    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

had  gone  into  the  woods.  He  took  from  them  an 
earthen  pot,  a  little  dog,  some  few  mullets,  and  thus 
returned.  It  appearing  to  us  that  he  was  long  absent, 
we  sent  two  others,  that  they  should  look  and  see  what 
might  have  befallen  him. 

They  met  him  near  by,  and  saw  that  three  Indians 
with  bows  and  arrows  followed,  and  were  calling  to  him; 
and  he,  in  the  same  way,  was  beckoning  them  on.  Thus 
they  arrived  where  we  were  ;  the  Indians  remaining  a 
little  way  back,  seated  on  the  same  bank.  Half  an 
hour  after,  they  were  supported  by  fifty  other  Indian 
bowmen,  whom,  whether  large  or  not,  our  fears  made 
giants.  They  stopped  near  us  with  the  three  first.  It 
were  idle  to  think  that  there  were  any  among  us  who 
could  make  defence  ;  for  it  would  have  been  difficult  to 
find  six  that  could  raise  themselves  from  the  ground. 
The  assessor  and  I  went  and  called  them,  and  they 
came  to  us.  We  endeavored  the  best  we  could  to 
recommend  ourselves  to  their  favor,  and  secure  their 
good-will.  We  gave  them  beads  and  hawk-bells  ;  and 
each  one  of  them  gave  me  an  arrow,  which  is  a  pledge 
of  friendship.  They  told  us  by  signs  that  they  would 
return  in  the  morning,  and  bring  us  something  to  eat, 
as  at  that  time  they  had  nothing. 

The  next  day  at  sunrise,  the  time  the  Indians  had 
appointed,  they  came  as  they  had  promised,  and  brought 
us  a  large  quantity  of  fish,  and  certain  roots  that  are 
eaten  by  them,  of  the  size  of  walnuts,  some  a  little 
larger,  others  a  little  smaller,  the  greater  part  of  them 
got  from  under  the  water,  and  with  much  labor.  In 
the  evening  they  returned,  and  brought  us  more  fish, 
and  some  of  the  roots.  They  sent  their  women  and 


CABEZA    DE    VACA    SAVED    BY    INDIANS.  85 

children  to  look  at  us,  who  returned  rich  with  the  hawk- 
bells  and  beads  that  we  gave  them ;  and  they  came  after 
ward  on  other  days  in  the  same  way.  As  we  found 
that  we  had  been  provisioned  with  fish,  roots,  water, 
and  other  things  for  which  we  asked,  we  determined  to 
embark  again,  and  pursue  our  course.  We  dug  out  our 
boat  from  the  sand  in  which  it  was  buried  ;  and  it  be 
came  necessary  that  we  should  all  strip  ourselves,  and 
go  through  great  exertion  to  launch  her,  for  we  were  in 
such  state,  that  things  very  much  lighter  sufficed  to 
make  us  much  labor. 

Thus  embarked,  at  the  distance  of  two  cross-bow 
shots  in  the  sea  we  shipped  a  wave  that  wet  us  all.  As 
we  were  naked,  and  the  cold  was  very  great,  the  oars 
loosened  in  our  hands  ;  and  the  next  blow  the  sea  struck 
us  capsized  the  boat.  The  assessor  and  two  others 
held  fast  to  her  for  preservation  ;  but  it  happened  to  be 
for  far  otherwise,  as  the  boat  carried  them  over,  and  they 
drowned  under  her.  As  the  surf  near  the  shore  was 
very  high,  a  single  roll  of  the  sea  threw  the  remainder 
into  the  waves,  and  half  drowned  us  on  the  shore  of  the 
island,  without  our  losing  any  more  than  the  boat  had 
taken  under.  Those  of  us  who  survived  escaped  naked 
as  we  were  born,  losing  all  that  we  had ;  and,  although 
the  whole  was  of  little  value,  at  that  time  it  was  worth 
much. 

As  it  was  then  in  the  month  of  November,  the  cold 
severe,  and  our  bodies  so  emaciated  that  the  bones 
might  have  been  counted  with  little  difficulty,  we  had 
become  perfect  figures  of  death.  For  myself,  I  can  say, 
that,  from  the  month  of  May  past,  I  had  not  eaten  other 
thing  than  maize,  and  sometimes  I  found  myself  obliged 


86    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

to  eat  it  unparched ;  for,  although  the  horses  were 
slaughtered  while  the  boats  were  being  built,  I  never 
could  eat  of  them,  and  I  did  not  eat  fish  ten  times,  I 
state^this  to  avoid  giving  excuses,  and  that  every  one 
may  judge  in  what  condition  we  were.  After  all  these 
misfortunes,  there  came  a  north  wind  upon  us,  from 
which  we  were  nearer  to  death  than  life.  Thanks  be 
to  our  Lord,  that,  looking  among  the  brands  that  we 
had  used  there,  we  found  sparks  from  which  we  made 
great  fires.  And  thus  we  were  asking  mercy  of  him, 
and  pardon  for  our  transgressions,  shedding  many  tears, 
and  each  regretting,  not  his  own  fate  alone,  but  that  of 
his  comrades  about  him. 

At  sunset,  the  Indians,  thinking  that  we  had  not 
gone,  came  to  seek  us.  and  bring  us  food ;  but  when 
they  saw  us  thus,  in  a  plight  so  different  from  what  it 
was  formerly,  and  so  extraordinary,  they  were  alarmed, 
and  turned  back.  I  went  toward  them,  and  called  to 
them ;  and  they  returned  much  frightened.  I  gave  them 
to  understand  by  signs  how  that  our  boat  had  sunk, 
and  three  of  our  number  been  drowned.  There,  before 
them,  they  saw  two  of  the  departed  ;  and  those  that 
remained  were  near  joining  them.  The  Indians,  at 
sight  of  the  disaster  that  had  befallen  us,  and  our  state 
of  suffering  and  melancholy  destitution,  sat  down 
amongst  us ;  and  from  the  sorrow  and  pity  they  felt  for 
us,  they  all  began  to  lament,  and  so  earnestly,  that  they 
might  have  been  heard  at  a  distance  ;  and  they  con 
tinued  so  doing  more  than  half  an  hour.  It  was 
strange  to  see  these  men,  so  wild  and  untaught,  howling 
like  brutes  over  our  misfortunes.  It  caused  in  me,  as 
in  others,  an  increase  of  feeling,  and  a  livelier  sense  of 
our  calamity. 


CABEZA  DE  VACA  SAVED  BY  INDIANS.        87 

Their  cries  having  ceased,  I  talked  with  the  Chris 
tians,  and  said,  that,  if  it  appeared  well  to  them,  I  would 
beg  these  Indians  to  take  us  to  their  houses.  Some 
who  had  been  in  New  Spain  said  that  we  ought  not  to 
think  of  it;  for,  if  we  should  do  so,  they  would  sacrifice 
us  to  their  idols.  But  seeing  no  better  course,  and 
that  any  other  led  to  nearer  and  more  certain  death, 
I  disregarded  what  was  said,  and  besought  the  Indians 
to  take  us  to  their  dwellings.  They  signified  that  it 
would  give  them  great  delight,  and  that  we  should 
tarry  a  little,  that  we  might  do  what  we  asked.  Pres 
ently,  thirty  of  them  loaded  themselves  with  wood,  and 
started  for  their  houses,  which  were  far  off,  and  we 
remained  with  the  others  until  near  night,  when,  hold 
ing  us  up,  they  carried  us  with  all  haste.  Because  of 
the  extreme  coldness  of  the  weather,  lest  any  one  should 
die  or  fail  by  the  way,  they  caused  four  or  five  large 
fires  to  be  placed  at  intervals;  and  at  each  one  of  them 
they  warmed  us,  and,  when  they  saw  that  we  had  re 
gained  some  strength  and  warmth,  they  took  us  to  the 
next  so  swiftly  that  they  hardly  permitted  us  to  put  our 
feet  to  the  ground.  In  this  manner,  we  went  as  far  as 
their  habitations,  where  we  found  that  they  had  made  a 
house  for  us  with  many  fires  in  it.  An  hour  after  our 
arrival,  they  began  to  dance,  and  hold  great  rejoicing, 
which  lasted  all  night,  although  for  us  there  'was  no 
joy,  appetite,  or  sleep,  awaiting  the  time  they  should 
make  us  victims.  In  the  morning,  they  again  gave  us 
fish  and  roots,  and  showed  us  such  hospitality,  that  we 
were  re-assured,  and  lost  somewhat  the'  fear  of  the 
sacrifice.1 

1  i.e.,  of  being  offered  as  a  sacrifice. 


88    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 


III.  —  CABEZA  DE  VACA'S  CAPTIVITY. 

[The  eighty  men  taken  by  the  Indians  were  soon  reduced  by  death 
to  fifteen.  These  were  made  slaves,  and  were  severely  treated.] 

I  WAS  obliged  to  remain  with  the  people  of  the  island 
more  than  a  year  ;  and  because  of  the  hard  work  they 
put  upon  me,  and  their  harsh  treatment,  I  determined 
to  flee  from  them,  and  go  to  those  of  Charruco,  who 
inhabit  the  forests  and  country  of  the  main  ;  for  the 
life  I  led  was  insupportable.  Beside  much  other  labor, 
I  had  to  get  out  roots  from  below  the  water,  and  from 
among  the  cane  where  it  grew  in  the  ground.  From 
this  employment  I  had  my  fingers  so  worn,  that,  did  a 
straw  but  touch  them,  it  would  draw  blood.  Many  of 
the  canes  were  broken,  so  that  they  often  tore  my  flesh  ; 
and  I  had  to  go  in  the  midst  of  them  with  only  the 
clothing  on  me  I  have  mentioned. 

Accordingly,  I  put  myself  to  work  to  get  over  to  the 
other  Indians  ;  and  afterward,  while  I  was  with  them, 
affairs  changed  for  me  somewhat  more  favorably.  I  set 
myself  to  trafficking,  and  strove  to  turn  my  employment 
to  profit  in  the  ways  I  could  best  contrive  ;  and  by  this 
means  I  got  from  the  Indians  food  and  good  treatment. 
They  would  beg  me  to  go  from  one  part  to  another  for 
things  of  which  they  have  need  ;  for,  in  consequence  of 
continual  hostilities,  they  cannot  travel  the  country,  nor 
make  many  exchanges.  With  my  merchandise  and 
trade  I  went  Into  the  interior  as  far  as  I  pleased  ;  and  I 
travelled  along  the  coast  forty  or  fifty  leagues.  The 
chief  of  my  wares  was  pieces  of  sea-snails  and  their 


CABEZA    DE    VACA'S    CAPTIVITY.  89 

cones,  conches,  that  are  used  for  cutting,1  and  a  fruit 
like  a  bean,  of  the  highest  value  among  them,  which 
they  use  as  a  medicine,  and  employ  in  their  dances  and 
festivities.  There  are  sea-beads  also,  and  other  articles. 
Such  were  what  I  carried  into  the  interior ;  and,  in  bar 
ter  for  them,  I  brought  back  skins,  ochre,  with  which 
they  rub  and  color  their  faces,  and  flint  for  arrow-points, 
cement  and  hard  canes,  of  which  to  make  arrows,  and 
tassels  that  are  made  of  the  hair  of  deer,  ornamented, 
and  dyed  red. 

This  occupation  suited  me  well  ;  for  the  travel  gave 
me  liberty  to  go  where  I  wished.  I  was  not  obliged  to 
work,  and  was  not  a  slave.  Wherever  I  went,  I  received 
fair  treatment ;  and  the  Indians  gave  me  to  eat  for  the 
sake  of  my  commodities.  My  leading  object,  while 
journeying  in  this  business,  was  to  find  out  the  way  by 
which  I  should  have  to  go  forward ;  and  I  became  well 
known  to  the  inhabitants.  They  were  pleased  when 
they  saw  me,  and  I  had  brought  for  them  what  they 
wanted  ;  and  those  that  did  not  know  me  sought  and 
desired  my  acquaintance  for  my  reputation.  The 
hardships  that  I  underwent  in  this  it  were  long  to  tell, 
as  well  of  peril  and  privation,  as  of  storms  and  cold. 
Many  of  them  found  me  in  the  wilderness  and  alone  ; 
but  I  came  forth  from  them  all,  by  the  great  mercy  of 
God  our  Lord.  Because  of  them,  I  ceased  to  pursue 
the  business  in  winter  ;  for  it  is  a  season  in  which  the 
natives  themselves  retire  to  their  villages  and  huts, 
sluggish,  and  incapable  of  exertion. 

I  was  in  this  country  nearly  six  years,2  alone  among 

1  The  sea-snails  and  conches  (or  conchs)  were  shells  of  various  species. 

2  From  1528  to  1533. 


90    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

the  Indians,  and  naked  like  them.  The  reason  why  I 
remained  so  long  was,  that  I  might  take  with  me  from 
the  island  the  Christian  Lope  de  Oviedo.  De  Alaniz, 
his  companion,  who  had  been  left  with  him  by  Alonzo 
del  Castillo,  Andres  Dorantes,  and  the  rest,  died  soon 
after  their  departure ;  and,  to  get  the  survivor  out  from 
there,  I  went  over  to  the  island  every  year,  and  entreated 
him  that  we  should  go,  in  the  way  we  could  best  con 
trive,  in  quest  of  Christians.  He  put  me  off  every  year, 
saying  that  in  the  next  coming  we  would  go.  At  last  I 
got  him  off,  crossing  him  over  the  bay,  and  over  four 
rivers  there  are  in  the  coast,  as  he  could  not  swim.  In 
this  way  we  went  qri  with  some  Indians,  until  coming 
to  a  bay  a  league  in  width,  and  everywhere  deep.  From 
its  appearance,  we  supposed  it  to  .be  that  which  they 
call  Espiritu  Santo. 

We  met  some  Indians  on  the  other  side  of  it,  who 
came  to  visit  ours;  and  they  told  us  that  beyond  them 
there  were  three  men  like  us,  and  gave  their  names. 
And  we  asked  them  for  the  others  ;  and  they  told  us 
that  they  were  all  dead  of  cold  and  hunger;  that  the 
Indians  farther  on,  of  whom  they  were,  had  for  their 
diversion  killed  Diego  Dorantes,  Valdevieso,  and  Diego 
de  Huelva,  because  they  left  one  house  for  another  ;  and 
that  other  Indians,  their  neighbors,  with  whom  Captain 
Dorantes  now  was,  had,  in  consequence  of  a  dream, 
killed  Esquivel  and  Mendez.  We  asked  them  how  the 
living  were  situated ;  and  they  answered  us  that  they 
were  very  ill  used  ;  for  that  the  boys  and  some  of  the 
Indian  men  were  very  idle,  and  of  cruelty  gave  them 
severe  kicks,  cuffs,  and  blows  with  sticks,  and  that  such 
was  the  life  they  led  among  them. 


THE    INDIANS    OF    THE    GULF    OF    MEXICO.  91 

We  desired  to  be  informed  of  the  country  ahead,  and 
of  the  subsistence  in  it ;  and  they  said  there  was  nothing 
in  it  to  eat,  and  [it]  was. thin  of  people,  who  suffered  of 
cold,  having  no  skins  or  other  thing  to  cover  them.  They 
told  us,  also,  if  we  wished  to  see  those  three  Christians, 
two  days  from  that  time  the  Indians  who  had  them 
would  come  to  eat  walnuts  a  league  from  there,  on  the 
margin  of  that  river ;  and,  that  we  might  know  what 
they  had  told  us  of  the  ill  usage  to  be  true,  they 
slapped  my  companion,  and  beat  him  with  a  stick,  and 
I  was  not  left  without  my  portion.  They  frequently 
threw  fragments  of  mud  at  us  ;  and  every  day  they  put 
their  arrows  to  our  hearts,  saying  that  they  were  inclined 
to  kill  us  in  the  way  they  had  destroyed  our  friends.  Lope 
Oviedo,  my  comrade,  in  fear,  said  that  he  wished  to  go 
back  with  the  women  who  had  crossed  the  bay  with  us, 
the  men  having  remained  some  distance  behind.  I 
contended  strongly  with  him  against  his  returning,  and 
I  urged  many  objections  ;  but  in  no  way  could  I  keep 
him.  So  he  went  back,  and  I  remained  alone  with  those 
savages. 


IV.  —  THE  INDIANS  OF  THE  GULF  OF  MEXICO. 

THESE  are  the  most  watchful  in  danger  of  any  people 
I  have  ever  seen.  If  they  fear  an  enemy,  they  are 
awake  the  night  long,  with  each  a  bow  by  his  side,  and 
a  dozen  arrows.  He  that  sleeps  tries  his  bow ;  and,  if 
it  is  not  strung,  he  gives  the  turn  necessary  to  the  cord. 
They  often  come  out  from  their  houses,  bending  to  the 
ground  in  such  manner,  that  they  cannot  be  seen,  and 


92    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

look  and  watch  on  all  sides  to  catch  every  object.  If 
they  perceive  any  thing  about,  they  are  all  in  the 
bushes  with  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  there  they 
remain  until  day,  running  from  place  to  place  where  it 
is  useful  to  be,  or  where  they  think  their  enemies  are. 
When  the  light  has  come,  they  unbend  their  bows  until 
they  go  out  to  hunt.  The  strings  are  of  the  sinews  of 
deer. 

The  method  they  have  of  fighting  is  lying  low  to  the 
earth ;  and,  whilst  they  shoot,  they  move  about,  speak 
ing,  and  leaping  from  one  point  to  another,  screening 
themselves  from  the  shafts  of  their  enemies.  So  effec 
tual  is  this  manoeuvring,  that  they  can  receive  very 
little  injury  from  cross-bow  or  arquebuse;1  buttheyrather 
scoff  at  them :  for  these  arms  are  of  little  value  em 
ployed  in  open  field,  where  the  Indians  go  loosely. 
They  are  proper  for  defiles,  and  in  water :  everywhere 
else  the  horses  will  be  found  the  most  effective,  and 
are  what  the  natives  universally  fear.  Whosoever 
would  fight  against  them  must  be  cautious  to  show  no 
weakness  or  desire  for  any  thing  that  is  theirs  •  and, 
whilst  war  exists,  they  must  be  treated  with  the  utmost 
severity  ;  for,  if  they  discover  any  timidity  or  covetous- 
ness,  they  are  a  race  that  well  discern  the  opportunities 
for  vengeance,  and  gather  strength  from  the  fear  of 
their  adversaries.  When  they  use  arrows  in  battle,  and 
exhaust  their  store,  each  returns  by  his  own  way  with 
out  the  one  party  following  the  other,  although  the  one 
be  many  and  the  other  few ;  for  such  is  their  custom. 
Oftentimes  their  bodies  are  traversed  from  side  to  side 
by  arrows;  and  they  do  not  die  of  the  wounds,  but 

1  A  small  matchlock  gun. 


CABEZA    DE    VACA  S    ESCAPE.  93 

soon  become  well,  unless  the  entrails  or  the  heart  be 
struck. 

I  believe  they  see  and  hear  better,  and  have  keener 
senses,  than  any  people  there  are  in  the  world.  They 
are  great  in  the  endurance  of  hunger,  thirst,  and  cold, 
as  if  they  were  made  for  these  more  than  others  by 
habit  and  nature.  Thus  much  I  have  wished  to  say 
beyond  the  gratification  of  that  desire  which  men  have 
to  learn  the  customs  and  manners  of  each  other,  that 
those  who  hereafter  at  some  time  find  themselves 
amongst  these  people  may  be  intelligent  in  their  usages 
and  artifice,  the  value  of  which  they  will  not  find  incon 
siderable  in  such  event. 


V.  —  CABEZA  DE  VACA'S  ESCAPE. 

[After  getting  away  from  his  first  captors,  he  came  among  Indians  who 
thought  that  he  and  his  comrades  must  have  come  from  heaven,  because  of 
their  superior  knowledge.  He  thus  describes  them.] 

WE  left  these,  and  travelled  through  so  many  sorts 
of  people,  of  such  diverse  languages,  that  the  memory 
fails  to  recall  them.  They  ever  plundered  each  other ; 
and  those  that  lost,  like  those  that  gained,  were  fully 
content.  We  drew  so  many  followers  after  us,  that 
we  had  not  use  for  their  services.  While  on  our  way 
through  these  vales,  each  of  the  Indians  carried  a  club 
three  palms  in  length,  and  kept  himself  on  the  alert. 
On  raising  a  hare,  which  are  abundant,  they  surround 
it  directly;  and  numerous  clubs  are  thrown  at  it,  and 
with  a  precision  astonishing  to  see.  In  this  way  they 
cause  it  to  run  from  one  to  another;  so  that,  accord- 


94    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

ing  to  my  thinking,  it  is  the  most  pleasing  sport  that 
can  be  conceived  of,  as  oftentimes  the  animal  runs  into 
the  hand.  So  many  of  them  did  they  give  us,  that  at 
night,  when  we  stopped,  each  one  of  us  had  eight  or  ten 
back-loads.  Those  who  had  bows  were  not  with  us,  but 
dispersed  about  the  ridge  in  quest  of  deer ;  and,  when 
they  came  at  night,  they  brought  five  or  six  for  each  of 
us,  besides  birds,  the  quail,  and  other  game.  Indeed, 
all  that  they  found  or  killed  they  put  before  us,  without 
themselves  daring  to  take  any  thing  until  we  had 
blessed  it,  though  they  should  be  dying  of  hunger';  for 
they  had  so  established  the  custom  since  marching  with 
us. 

The  women  carried  many  mats,  of  which  the  men 
made  us  houses,  each  of  us  having  a  separate  one  with 
all  his  attendants.  After  these  were  put  up,  we  ordered 
the  deer  and  hares  to  be  roasted,  with  the  rest  that  had 
been  taken.  This  was  soon  done  by  means  of  certain 
ovens  made  for  the  purpose.  We  took  a  little  of  each  ; 
and  the  remainder  we  gave  to  the  principal  personages 
that  came  with  us,  directing  them  to  divide  them  among 
the  rest.  Every  one  brought  his  portion  to  us,  that  we 
should  give  it  our  benediction  ;  for  not  until  then  dared 
they  to  eat  of  it.  Frequently  we  were  accompanied  by 
three  or  four  thousand  persons ;  and  as  we  had  to 
breathe  upon  and  sanctify  the  food  and  drink  for  each, 
and  give  them  permission  to  do  the  many  things  they 
would  come  to  ask,  it  may  be  seen  how  great  to  us 
were  the  trouble  and  annoyance.  The  women  first 
brought  us  the  pears,  spiders,  worms,  and  whatever 
else  they  could  gather  ;  for,  even  if  they  were  famish 
ing,  they  would  eat  nothing  unless  we  gave  it  to  them. 


95 

In  .company  with  these  we  crossed  a  great  river  com 
ing  from  the  north ;  and,  passing  over  some  plains  thirty 
leagues  in  extent,  we  found  many  persons  who  came 
from  a  great  distance  to  receive  us ;  and  they  met  us 
on  the  road  over  which  we  had  to  travel,  and  received 
us  in  the  manner  of  those  we  had  left.  .  .  . 

We  told  them  to  conduct  us  toward  the  north  ;  and 
they  answered  us  as  they  had  done  before,  saying,  that, 
in  that  direction,  there  were  no  people,  except  afar  off; 
that  there  was  nothing  to  eat,  nor  could  water  be  found. 
Nowithstanding  all  this,  we  persisted,  and  said  that  in 
that  course  we  desired  to  go  ;  and  they  still  tried  to 
excuse  themselves  in  the  best  manner  possible.  At 
this  we  became  offended  :  and  one  night  I  went  out  to 
sleep  in  the  woods,  apart  from  them  ;  but  they  directly 
went  to  where  I  was,  and  remained  there  all  night 
without  sleeping,  and  in  great  fear,  talking  to  me,  and 
telling  me  how  terrified  they  were,  beseeching  us  to  be 
no  longer  angry,  and  that  though  they  knew  they  should 
die  on  the  way,  they  would  nevertheless  lead  us  in  the 
direction  we  desired  to  go. 

Whilst  we  still  feigned  to  be  displeased,  that  their 
fright  might  not  leave  them,  there  happened  a  remark 
able  circumstance,  which  was,  that  on  this  same  day 
many  of  them  became  ill,  and  the  next  day  eight  men 
died.  Abroad  in  the  country  wheresoever  this  became 
known,  there  was  such  dread,  that  it  seemed  as  if  the' 
inhabitants  at  sight  of  us  would  die  of  fear.  They 
besought  us  that  we  would  not  remain  angered,  nor 
require  that  many  of  them  should  die.  They  believedc 
that  we  caused  their  death  by  only  willing  it  ;  when  in 
truth  it  gave  us  so  much  pain  that  it  could  not  be 


96    THE  STRANGE  VOYAGE  OF  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

greater ;  for,  beyond  the  loss  of  them  that  died,  we 
feared  they  might  all  die,  or  abandon  us  out  of  fear, 
and  all  other  people  thenceforward  should  do  the  same, 
seeing  what  had  come  to  these.  We  prayed  to  God 
our  Lord,  that  he  would  relieve  them ;  and  thenceforth 
all  those  that  were  sick  began  to  get  better.  .  .  . 

From  that  place  onward  there  was  another  usage, 
that  those  who  knew  of  our  approach  did  not  come  out 
to  receive  us  on  the  roads,  as  the  others  had  done,  but 
we  found  them  in  their  houses,  and  others  they  had 
made  for  our  reception.  They  were  all  seated  with 
their  faces  turned  to  the  wall,  their  heads  down,  and 
the  hair  brought  before  their  eyes,  and  their  property 
placed  in  a  heap  in  the  middle  of.  their  houses.  From 
this  place  forward  they  began  to  give  us  many  blankets 
of  skin,  and  they  had  nothing  that  they  did  not  give  to, 
us.  They  have  the  finest  persons  of  any  that  we  saw, 
and  of  the  greatest  activity  and  strength,  and  [were 
those]  who  best  understood  us,  and  intelligently 
answered  our  inquiries.  We  called  them  los  de  las 
vacas,  the  cow  nation,  because  most  of  the  cattle  that 
are  killed  are  destroyed  in  their  neighborhood ;  and 
along  up  that  river  over  fifty  leagues  they  kill  great 
numbers. 

[Cabeza  de  Vaca  crossed  the  Mississippi,  or  passed  its  mouth,  many 
years  before  De  Soto  reached  it.  Having  finally  arrived  at  the  city  of 
Mexico,  he  was  sent  home  to  Europe,  and  reached  Lisbon  Aug.  15,  1537. 
His  later  adventures  will  be  found  in  Southey's  Hist,  of  Brazil,  chap,  v.] 


BOOK  V. 

THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 

(A.D.    1534-1536.) 


THE  extracts  from  Carrier's  narratives  are  taken  from  an  old  transla 
tion,  to  be  found  in  Hakluyt's  "Voyages  "  (edition  of  1810),  vol.  3,  pp. 
250,  257,  259,  266-269,  271-274. 

A  most  interesting  description  of  Carrier's  adventures,  including  those 
here  described,  may  be  found  in  Parkman's  "  Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
New  World,"  p.  81.  Another  account  of  the  same  events,  illustrated 
by  the  maps  of  the  period,  will  also  be  found  in  Kohl's  valuable  "  History 
of  the  Discovery  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  America"  (Maine  Historical 
Society,  2d  series,  vol.  i ),  p.  320. 


THE    FRENCH    IN    CANADA. 


I.  —  CARTIER'S  VISIT  TO  BAY  OF  CHALEUR. 

[Jacques  Cartier  was  born  in  1494,  at  St.  Malo,  a  principal  port  of 
Brittany,  France.  He  was  bred  to  the  sea ;  and,  having  made  fishing- 
voyages  to  the  Grand  Banks  of  Labrador,  he  desired  to  make  an  explora 
tion  farther  west.  For  this  purpose  an  expedition  was  fitted  out  by  King 
Francis  I.  of  France,  as  is  described  below.] 

THE  first  relation  l  of  Jacques  Cartier  of  St.  Malo, 
of  the  new  land  called  New  France,2  newly  dis 
covered  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1534.  .  .  . 

After  that,  Sir  Charles  of  Mouy,  Knight,  Lord  of 
Meilleraie,  and  Vice-Admiral  of  France,  had  caused 
the  captains,  masters,  and  mariners  of  the  ships  to  be 
sworn  to  behave  themselves  faithfully  in  the  service  of 
the  most  Christian  King  of  France.  Under  the  charge 
of  the  said  Cartier,  we  departed  from  the  Port  of  St. 

1  Description. 

2  In  the  map  of  Ortelius,  published  in  1572,  the  name  of  New  France 
is  applied  to  the  whole  of  both  North  and  South  America.     "  The  appli 
cation  of  this  name  dates  back  to  a  period  immediately  after  the  voyage  of 
Verrazzano  ;  and  the  Dutch  voyagers  are  especially  free  in  their  use  of  it, 
out  of  spite  to  the  Spaniards."  —  PARKMAN. 

99 


100 


THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 


Malo  with  two  ships  of  threescore  tons'  apiece  burden, 
and  sixty-one  well-appointed  men  in  each  one.  .  .  . 


[Cartier  sailed  first  to  Newfoundland,  and  then  made  further  disco/- 
eries.] 


Upon  Thursday,  being  the  8th  of  the  month,1  be 
cause  the  wind  was  not  good  to  go  out  with  our  ships, 
we  set  our  boats  in  a  readiness  to  go  and  discover  the 

said  bay;  and  that  day  we 
went  twenty-five  leagues 
within  it.  The  next  day, 
the  wind  and  weather  being 
fair,  we  sailed  until  noon,  in 
which  time  we  had  notice 
of  a  great  part  of  said  bay, 
and  how  that  over  the  low 
lands,  there  were  other  lands 
with  high  mountains :  but, 
seeing  that  there  was  no 
passage  at  all,  we  began  to 
turn  back  again,  taking  our  way  along  the  coast;  and, 
sailing,  we  saw  certain  wild  men  that  stood  upon  the 
shore  of  a  lake,  that  is  among  the  low  grounds,  who 
were  making  fires  and  smoke.  We  went  thither,  and 
found  that  there  was  a  channel  of  the  sea  that  did 
enter  into  the  lake  ;  and,  setting  our  boats  at  one  of  the 
banks  of  the  channel,  the  wild  men  with  one  of  their 
boats  came  unto  us,  and  brought  up  pieces  of  seals 
ready  sodden,2  putting  them  upon  pieces  of  wood ; 
then  retiring  themselves,  they  would  make  signs  unto 

1  July.  2  Boiled. 


JACQUES   CARTIER. 


CARTIER'S  VISIT  TO  BAY  OF  CHALEUR.          101 

us  that  they  did  give  them  us.  We  sent  two  men  unto 
them  with  hatchets,  knives,  beads,  and  other  such  like 
ware,  whereat  they  were  very  glad  ;  and  by  and  by  in 
clusters  they  came  to  the  shore  where  we  were,  with 
their  boats,  bringing  with  them  skins  and  other  such 
things  as  they  had,  to  have  of  our  wares. 

They  were  more  than  three  hundred  men,  women, 
and  children.  Some  of  the  women  which  came  not 
over  we  might  see  stand  up  to  the  knees  in  water,  sing 
ing  and  dancing.  The  other  that  had  passed  the  river 
where  we  were  came  very  friendly  to  us,  rubbing  our 
arms  with  their  own  hands  ;  then  would  they  lift  them 
up  towards  heaven,  showing  many  signs  of  gladness. 
And  in  such  wise  were  we  assured  one  of  another,  that 
we  very  familiarly  began  to  traffic  for  whatsoever  they 
had,  till  they  had  nothing  but  their  naked  bodies,  for 
they  gave  us  all  whatsoever  they  had ;  and  that  was 
but  of  small  value.  We  perceived  that  this  people 
might  very  easily  be  converted  to  our  religion.  They 
go  from  place  to  place.  They  live  only  with  fishing. 
They  have  an  ordinary l  time  to  fish  for  their  provision. 
The  country  is  hotter  than  the  country  of  Spain,  and 
the  fairest  that  can  possibly  be  found,  altogether  smooth 
and  level.  There  is  no  place,  be  it  never  so  little,  but 
it  hath  some  trees,  yea,  albeit  it  be  sandy  ;  or  else  is 
full  of  wild  corn,  that  hath  an  ear  like  unto  rye.  The 
corn  is  like  oats,  and  small  peas  as  thick  as  if  they 
had  been  sown  and  ploughed,  white  and  red  goose 
berries,  strawberries,  blackberries,  white  and  red  roses, 
with  many  other  flowers  of  very  sweet  and  pleasant 
smell.  There  be  also  many  goodly  meadows  full  of 

l  Regular. 


102  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 


grass,  and  lakes  wherein  great  plenty  of  salmons  be. 
They  call  a  hatchet  in  their  tongue,  cochi ;  and  a  knife 
bacon  :  we  named  it  the  bay  of  heat.1 


II.  —  CARTIER  SETS  UP  A  CROSS. 

UPON  the  24th  of  the  month,2  we  caused  a  fair  high 
cross  to  be  made  of  the  height  of  thirty  feet,  which 
was  made  in  the  presence  of  many  of  them,  upon  the 
point  of  the  entrance  of  the  'said  haven,8  in  the  midst 
whereof  we  hanged  up  a  shield  with  three  fleur-de- 
lis4  in  it;  and  in  the  top  was  carved  in  the  wood 
with  antique  letters  this  posy,5  Vive  le  Roi  de  France. 
Then  before  them  all  we  set  it  upon  the  said  point. 
They  with  great  heed 6  beheld  both  the  making  and 
setting  of  it  up.  So  soon  as  it  was  up,  we  all  together 
kneeled  down  before  them,  with  our  hands  toward 
heaven,  yielding  God  thanks  ;  and  we  made  signs 
unto  them,  showing  them  the  heavens,  and  that  all  our 
salvation  dependeth  only  on  Him  which  in  them  dwell- 
eth :  whereat  they  showed  a  great  admiration,  looking 
first  one  at  another,  and  then  upon  the  cross.  And, 
after  we  were  returned  to  our  ships,  their  captain,  clad 
with  an  old  bear's-skin,  with  three  of  his  sons  and  a 
brother  of  his  with  him,  came  unto  us  in  one  of  their 
boats  j  but  they  came  not  so  near  us  as  they  were  wont 
to  do.  There  he  made  a  long  oration  unto  us,  showing 
us  the  cross  we  had  set  up,  and  making  a  cross  with 
his  two  fingers.  Then  did  he  show  us  all  the  country 

1  Chaleur,  signifying  heat  in  French.  2  July,  1534. 

3  Gaspe"  Bay.        4  The  arms  of  France.        6  Motto.        6  Attention. 


CARTIER    SETS    UP   A    CROSS.  103 

about  us,  as  if  he  would  say  that  all  was  his,  and  that 
we  should  not  set  up  any  cross  without  his  leave. 

His  talk  being  ended,  we  showed  him  an  axe,  feign 
ing  that  we  would  give  it  him  for  his  skin,  to  which  he 
listened,  for  by  little  and  little  he  came  near  our  ships. 
One  of  our  fellows  that  was  in  our  boat  took  hold  on 
theirs,  and  suddenly  leaped  into  it,  with  two  or  three 
more,  who  enforced  them  to  enter  into  our  ships, 
whereat  they  were  greatly  astonished.  But  our  captain 
did  straightway  assure  them  that  they  should  have  no 
harm,  nor  any  injury  offered  them  at  all,  and  enter 
tained  them  very  friendly,  making  them  eat  and  drink. 
Then  did  we  show  them  with  signs,  that  the  cross  was 
only  set  up  to  be  as  a  light  and  leader  which  ways  to 
enter  into  the  port,1  and  that  we  would  shortly  come 
again,  and  bring  good  store  of  iron-wares  and  other 
things  ;  but  that  we  would  take  two  of  his  children 
with  us,  and  afterward  bring  them  to  the  said  port 
again.  And  so  we  clothed  two  of  them  in  shirts  and 
colored  coats,  with  red  caps,  and  put  about  every  one's 
neck  a  copper  chain,  whereat  they  were  greatly  con 
tented.  Then  gave  they  their  old  clothes  to  the  fellows 
that  went  back  again ;  and  we  gave  to  each  one  of  those 
three  that  went  back,  a  hatchet  and  some  knives,  which 
made  them  very  glad.  After  these  were  gone,  and  had 
told  the  news  unto  their  fellows,  in  the  afternoon  there 
came  to  our  ships  six  boats  of  them,  with  five  or  six 
men  in  every  one,  to  take  their  farewells  of  those  two 
we  had  detained  to  take  with  us,  and  brought  them 

1  The  object  of  the  cross  was  to  take  possession  of  the  country  for  the 
King  of  France;  but  Cartier  did  not  hesitate  to  deceive  the  natives  by 
saying  that  it  was  only  for  a  beacon. 


104  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 

some  fish,  uttering  many  words  which  we  did  not  under 
stand,  making  signs  that  they  would  not  remove  the 
cross  we  had  set  up. 


III.  —  CARTIER  ASCENDS  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  AS  FAR 
AS  QUEBEC. 

[This  took  place  on  Cartier's  second  voyage.  He  sailed  from  St.  Malo, 
May  19,  1535,  and  reached  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  which  he 
ascended,  hoping  to  find  a  passage  to  the  west.] 

OUR  captain  then  caused  our  boats  to  be  set  in 
order,  that  with  the  next  tide  he  might  go  up  higher 
into  the  river  to  find  some  safe  harbor  for  our  ships ; 
and  we  passed  up  the  river,  against  the  stream,  about 
ten  leagues,  coasting  the  said  island,  at  the  end  where 
of  we  found  a  goodly  and  pleasant  sound,  where  is  a 
little  river  and  haven,  where,  by  reason  of  the  flood, 
there  is  about  three  fathoms  water.  This  place  seemed 
very  fit  and  commodious  to  harbor  our  ships  therein  ; 
and  so  we  did  very  safely.  We  named  it  the  Holy 
Cross;1  for  on  that  day  we  came  thither.  Near  unto 
it  there  is  a  village,  whereof  Donnacona  is  lord ;  and 
there  he  keepeth  his  abode  :  it  is  called  Stadacona,2  as 
goodly  a  plot  of  ground  as  possibly  may  be  seen,  and 
therewithal  very  fruitful,  full  of  goodly  trees  even  as  in 
France,  as  oaks,  elms,  ashes,  walnut  trees,  maple-trees, 
citrons,  vines,  and  white-thorns,  that  bring  forth  fruit 
as  big  as  any  damsons,  and  many  other  sorts  of  trees, 

1  The  St.  Croix  River,  now  called  St.  Charles.     The  first  name  was 
given  because  Cartier  reached  it  on  the  festival  of  the  Holy  Cross. 

2  Now  Quebec. 


CARTIER    ASCENDS    THE    ST.    LAWRENCE.  105 

under  which  groweth  as  fair  tall  hemp  as  any  in  France, 
without  any  seed,  or  any  man's  work  or  labor  at  all. 
Having  considered  the  place,  and  finding  it  fit  for  our 
purpose,  our  captain  withdrew  himself  on  purpose  to 
return  to  our  ships.  But  behold  !  as  we  were  coming 
out  of  the  river,  we  met  coming  against  us  one  of  the 
lords  of  said  village  of  Stadacona,  accompanied  with 
many  others,  as  men,  women,  and  children,  who,  after 
the  fashion  of  their  country,  in  sign  of  mirth  and  joy, 
began  to  make  a  long  oration,  the  women  still  singing 
and  dancing,  up  to  the  knees  in  water.  Our  captain, 
knowing  their  good-will  and  kindness  toward  us,  caused 
the  boat  wherein  they  were  to  come  unto  him,  and  gave 
them  certain  trifles,  as  knives,  and  beads  of  glass, 
whereat  they  were  marvellous  glad ;  for  being  gone 
about  three  leagues  from  them,  for  the  pleasure  they 
conceived  of  our  coming,  we  might  hear  them  sing,  and 
see  them  dance,  for  all  they  were  so  far.  .  .  . 

The  next  day,  we  departed  with  our  ships,  to  bring 
them  to  the  place  of  the  Holy  Cross ;  and  on  the  i4th 
of  that  month1  we  came  thither;  and  the  Lord  Don- 
nacona,  Taignoagny,  and  Domagaia,2  "with  twenty-five 
boats  full  of  those  people,  came  to  meet  us,  coming 
from  the  place  wjience  we  were  come,  and  going  toward 
Stadacona,  where  their  abiding  is.  And  all  came  to 
our  ships,  showing  sundry  and  divers  gestures  of  glad 
ness  and  mirth,  except  those  two  that  we  had  brought ; 
to  wit,  Taignoagny  and  Domagaia,2  who  seemed  to 
have  altered  and  changed  their  mind  and  purpose ; 

1  September. 

2  These  were  the  two  young  Indians  whom  Cartier  had  carried  off  with 
him  the  year  before. 


IO6  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 

for  by  no  means  they  would  come  unto  our  ships, 
albeit  sundry  times  they  were  earnestly  desired  to  do 
it,  whereupon  we  began  to  distrust  somewhat.  Our 
captain  asked  them,  if,  according  to  promise,  they  would 
go  with  him  to  Hochelaga.1  They  answered  yea,  for  so 
they  had  purposed  •  and  then  each  one  withdrew  him 
self.  The  next  day,  being  the  i5th  of  the  month,  our 
captain  went  on  shore,  to  cause  certain  poles  and  piles 
to  be  driven  into  the  water,  and  set  up,  that  the  better 
and  safelier  we  might  harbor  our  vessels  there.  .  .  . 

The  day  following,  we  brought  our  two  great  ships 
within  the  river  and  harbor,  where  the  waters,  being 
at  the  highest,  are  three  fathoms  deep,  and,  at  the 
lowest,  but  half  a  fathom.  We  left  our  pinnace2  without 
the  road,  to  the  end  we  might  bring  it  to  Hochelaga. 
So  soon  as  we  had  safely  placed  our  ships,  behold !  we 
saw  Donnacona,  Taignoagny,  and  Domagaia,  with  more 
than  five  hundred  persons,  men,  women,  and  children ; 
and  the  said  lord,  with  ten  or  twelve  of  the  chiefest 
of  the  country,  came  aboard  of  our  ships,  who  were  all 
courteously  received,  and  friendly  entertained  both  of 
our  captain  and  of  us  all ;  and  divers  gifts  of  small 
value  were  given  them. 

Then  did  Taignoagny  tell  our  captain  that  his  lord 
did  greatly  sorrow  that  he  would  go  to  Hochelaga,  and 
that  he  would  not  by  any  means  permit  that  any  of 
them  should  go  with  him,  because  the  river  was  of  no 
importance.  Our  captain  answered  him,  that,  for  all 
his  saying,  he  would  not  leave  off  his  going  thither,  if, 
by  any  means,  it  were  possible ;  for  that  he  was  com 
manded  by  his  king  to  go  as  far  as  possibly  he  could ; 

1  This  village  was  where  Montreal  now  stands.        2  A  small  vessel. 


CARTIER    ASCENDS    THE    ST.    LAWRENCE.  107 

and  that  if  he  —  that  is  to  say,  Taignoagny  —  would  go 
with  him,  as  he  had  promised,  he  should  be  very  well 
entertained  :  beside  that,  he  should  have  such  a  gift 
given  him  as  he  should  well  content  himself ;  for  he 
should  do  nothing  else  but  go  with  him  to  Hochelaga, 
and  come  again.  To  whom  Taignoagny  answered,  that 
he  would  not  by  any  means  go  ;  and  thereupon  they 
suddenly  returned  to  their  houses.  The  next  day,  being 
the  1 7th  of  September,  Donnacona  and  his  company 
returned  even  as  at  the  first.  .  .  . 

After  that,  our  captain  caused  the  said  children  to  be 
put  in  our  ships,  and  caused  two  swords  and  copper 
basins  —  the  one  wrought,  the  other  plain  —  to  be 
brought  unto  him  ;  and  them  he  gave  to  Donnacona, 
who  was  therewith  greatly  contented,  yielding  most 
hearty  thanks  unto  our  captain  for  them.  And  pres 
ently,  upon  that,  he  commanded  all  his  people  to  sing 
and  dance,  and  desired  our  captain  to  cause  a  piece  of 
artillery  to  be  shot  off,  because  Taignoagny  and  Doma- 
gaia  made  great  brags  of  it,  and  had  told  them  marvel 
lous  things,  and  also,  because  they  had  never  heard  nor 
seen  any  before.  To  whom  our  captain  answered  that 
he  was  content.  And  by  and  by  he  commanded  his 
men  to  shoot  off  twelve  cannons  charged  with  bullets 
into  the  wood  that  was  hard  by  those  people  and  ships, 
at  whose  noise  they  were  greatly  astonished  and  amazed  ; 
for  they  thought  that  heaven  had  fallen  upon  them,  and 
put  themselves  to  flight,  howling  and  crying  and  shriek 
ing  ;  so  that  it  seemed  hell  was  broken  loose. 


io8 


THE    FRENCH    IN    CANADA. 


IV.  —  How  THE  INDIANS  TRIED  TO  FRIGHTEN 
CARTIER. 

THE  next  day,  being  the  iSth  of  September,  these 
men  still  endeavored  themselves  to  seek  all  means  pos 
sible  to  hinder  and  let  our  going  to  Hochelaga,  and 
devised  a  pretty  guile,1  as  hereafter  shall  be  showed. 


INDIANS    TRYING    TO    FRIGHTEN    CARTIER. 

They  went  and  dressed  three  men  like  devils,  wrapped 
in  dogs'  skins,  white  and  black,  their  faces  besmeared 
as  black  as  any  coals,  with  horns  on  their  heads  more 
than  a  yard  long,  and  caused  them  secretly  to  be  put  in 
one  of  their  boats,  but  came  not  near  our  ships,  as 

1  An  ingenious  trick. 


INDIANS    TRYING    TO    FRIGHTEN    CARTIER.  109 

they  were  wont  to  do.  For  they  lay  hidden  within  the 
wood  for  the  space  of  two  hours,  looking  for  the  tide, 
to  the  end  the  boat  wherein  the  devils  were  might  ap 
proach  and  come  near  us,  which,  when  [the]  time  was, 
came,  and  all  the  rest  issued  out  of  the  wood  coming 
to  us,  but  yet  not  so  near  as  they  were  wont  to  do. 
Then  began  Taignoagny  to  salute  our  captain,  who 
asked  him  if  he  would  have  the  boat  to  come  for  him. 
He  answered,  not  for  that  time,  but  after  a  while  he 
would  come  unto  our  ships.  Then  presently  came  that 
boat  rushing  out,  wherein  the  three  counterfeit  devils 
were,  with  such  long  horns  on  their  heads ;  and  the 
middlemost  came,  making  a  long  oration,  and  passed 
along  our  ships  without  turning,  or  looking  toward  us, 
but,  with  the  boat,  went  toward  the  land.  Then  did 
Donnacona  with  all  his  people  pursue  them,  and  lay 
hold  on  the  boat  and  devils,  who,  so  soon  as  the  men 
were  come  to  them,  fell  prostrate  in  the  boat,  even 
as  if  they  had  been  dead.  Then  were  they  taken  up, 
and  carried  into  the  wood,  being  but  a  stone's  cast  off. 
Then  every  one  withdrew  himself  into  the  wood,  not 
one  staying  behind  with  us,  where  being  they  began  to 
make  a  long  discourse,  so*  loud,  that  we  might  hear 
them  in  our  ships,  which  lasted  about  half  an  hour. 
And,  being  ended,  we  began  to  espy  Taignoagny  and 
Domagaia  coming  towards  us,  holding  their  hands  up 
ward,  joined  together,  carrying  their  hats  under  their 
upper  garment,  showing  a  great  admiration.  And  Taig 
noagny,  looking  up  to  heaven,  cried  three  times,  ';  Jesus, 
Jesus,  Jesus  !  "  and  Domagaia,  doing  as  his  fellow  had 
done  before,  cried,  "Jesus  Maria,  James  Cartier." 
Our  captain,  hearing  them,  and  seeing  their  gestures 


110  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 

and  ceremonies,  asked  of  them  what  they  ailed,  and 
what  was  happened  or  chanced  anew.  They  answered, 
that  there  were  very  ill  tidings  befallen,  saying  in 
French,  "  Nenni  est  il  bon ; "  that  is  to  say,  it  was  not 
good.  Our  captain  asked  them  again  what  it  was. 
Then  answered  they,  that  their  god  Cudruaigny  had 
spoken  in  Hochelaga ;  and  that  he  had  sent  those  three 
men  to  show  unto  them  that  there  was  so  much  ice 
and  snow  in  that  country,  that  whosoever  went  thither 
should  die ;  which  words  when  we  heard,  we  laughed 
and  mocked  them,  saying,  that  their  god  Cudruaigny 
was  but  a  fool  and  a  noddy ;  for  he  knew  not  what  he 
did  or  said.  Then  bade  we  them  show  his  messengers 
from  us,  that  Christ  would  defend  them  from  all  cold, 
if  they  would  believe  in  him.  Then  did  they  ask  of 
our  captain  if  he  had  spoken  with  Jesus.  He  an 
swered,  No ;  but  that  his  priests  had,  and  that  he  had 
told  them  he  should  have  fair  weather  ;  which  words 
when  they  had  heard,  they  thanked  our  captain,  and 
departed  toward  the  wood  to  tell  those  news  unto  their 
fellows,  who  suddenly  came,  all  rushing  out  of  the 
wood,  seeming  to  be  very  glad  for  those  words  that  our 
captain  had  spoken.  And  to  show  that  thereby  they 
had  had  and  felt  great  joy,  so  soon  as  they  were  be 
fore  our  ships,  they  all  together  gave  out  three  great 
shrieks,  and  thereupon  began  to  sing  and  dance  as  they 
were  wont  to  do.  But,  for  a  resolution  *  of  the  matter, 
Taignoagny  and  Domagaia  told  our  captain  that  their 
Lord  Donnacona  would  by  no  means  that  any  of  them 
should  go  with  him  to  Hochelaga,  unless  he  would 
leave  him  some  hostage  to  stay  with  him.  Our  captain 

1  Explanation. 


HOW    CARTIER    REACHED    HOCHELAGA.  Ill 

answered  them,  that,  if  they  would  not  go  with  him  with 
a  good  will,  they  should  stay ;  and  that  for  all  them  he 
would  not  leave  off  his  journey  thither. 


V.  —  How     CARTIER     REACHED     HOCHELAGA,     NOW 
MONTREAL,   AT   LAST. 

So  soon  as  we  were  come  near  to  Hochelaga,  there 
came  to  meet  us  about  a  thousand  persons,  men 
women,  and  children,  who  afterward  did  as  friendly 
and  merrily  entertain  and  receive  us  as  any  father 
would  do  his  child  which  he  had  not  of  long  time  seen, 
—  the  men  dancing  on  one  side,  the  women  on 
another,  and  likewise  the  children  on  another.  After 
that  [they]  brought  us  great  store  of  fish,  and  of  their 
bread  made  of  millet,  casting  them  into  our  boats  so 
thick,  that  you  would  have  thought  it  to  fall  from 
heaven ;  which  when  our  captain  saw,  he,  with  many 
of  his  company,  went  on  shore.  So  soon  as  ever  we 
were  a-land,1  they  came  clustering  about  us,  making 
very  much  of  us,  bringing  their  young  children  in 
their  arms  only  to  have  our  captain  and  his  company 
to  touch  them,  making  signs  and  shows  of  great  mirth 
and  gladness,  that  lasted  more  than  half  an  hour. 
Our  captain,  seeing  their  loving-kindness  and  enter 
tainment  of  us,  caused  all  the  women  orderly  to  be  set 
in  array,  and  gave  them  beads  made  of  tin,  and  other 
such  small  trifles;  and  to  some  of  the  men  he  gave 
knives.  Then  he  returned  to  the  boats  to  supper ;  and 
so  passed  that  night,  all  which  while  all  those  people 

1  On  land,  as  we  say,  "ashore." 


112  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 

stood  on  the  shore,  as  near  our  boats  as  they  might, 
making  great  fires,  and  dancing  very  merrily,  still  cry 
ing,  " Aguiaze"  which  in  their  tongue  signifieth  mirth 
and  safety. 

Our  captain,  the  next  day,  very  early  in  the  morning, 
having  very  gorgeously  attired  himself,  caused  all  his 
company  to  be  set  in  order  to  go  to  see  the  town  and 
habitation  of  those  people,  and  a  certain  mountain  that 
is  somewhat  near  the  city ;  with  whom  went  also  five 
gentlemen  and  twenty  mariners,  leaving  the  rest  to 
keep  and  look  to.  our  boats.  We  took  with  us  three 
men  of  Hochelaga  to  bring  us  to  the  place.  All  along, 
as  we  went,  we  found  the  way  as  well  beaten  and  fre 
quented  as  can  be ;  the  fairest  and  best  country  that 
possibly  can  be  seen,  full  of  as  goodly  great  oaks  as  are 
in  any  wood  in  France,  under  which  the  ground  was  all 
covered  over  with  fair  acorns.  After  we  had  gone  about 
four  or  five  miles,  we  met  by  the  way  one  of  the  chiefest 
lords  of  the  city,  accompanied  with  many  more,  who, 
so  soon  as  he  saw  us,  beckoned,  and  made  signs  upon 
us,  that  we  must  rest  us  in  that  place  Where  they  had 
made  a  great  fire  ;  and  so  we  did.  After  that  we  had 
rested  ourselves  there  a  while,  the  said  lord  began  to 
make  a  long  discourse,  even  as  we  have  said  above  they 
are  accustomed  to  do,  in  sign  of  mirth  and  friendship, 
showing  our  captain  and  all  his  company  a  joyful  coun 
tenance  and  good-will,  who  gave  him  two  hatchets,  a 
pair  of  knives,  and  a  cross,  which  he  made  him  to  kiss, 
and  then  put  it  about  his  neck,  for  which  he  gave  our 
captain  hearty  thanks.  This  done,  we  went  along ; 
and,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  farther,  we  began  to  find 
goodly  and  large  fields,  full  of  such  corn  as  the  country 


HOW   CARTIER    REACHED    HOCHELAGA.  113 

yieldeth.  It  is  even  as  the  millet  of  Brazil,  as  great 
and  somewhat  bigger  than  small  peas,  wherewith  they 
live  even  as  we  do  with  ours. 

In  the  midst  of  those  fields  is  the  city  of  Hochelaga, 
placed  near,  and  as  it  were  joined,  to  a  great  mountain, 
that  is  tilled  round  about  very  fertile,  on  the  top  of 
which  you  may  see  very  far.  We  named  it  Mount 
Royal.1  The  city  of  Hochelaga  is  round,  compassed 
about  with  timber,  with  three  course  of  rampires,2  one 
within  another,  framed  like  a  sharp  spire,  but  laid  across 
above.  The  middlemost  of  them  is  made  and  built  as 
a  direct  line,  but  perpendicular.  The  rampires  are 
framed  and  fashioned  with  pieces  of  timber,  laid  along 
on  the  ground,  very  well  and  cunningly  joined  together 
after  their  fashion.  This  enclosure  is  in  height  about  two 
rods.  It  hath  but  one  gate  or  entry  thereat,  which  is  shut 
with  piles,  stakes,  and  bars.  Over  it,  and  also  in  many 
places  of  the  wall,  there  be  places  to  run  along,  and  lad 
ders  to  get  up,  all  full  of  stones  for  the  defence  of  it. 

There  are  in  the  town  about  fifty  houses  about  fifty 
paces  long,  and  twelve  or  fifteen  broad,  built  all  of 
wood,  covered  over  with  the  bark  of  the  wood  as  broad 
as  any  boards,  very  finely  and  cunningly  joined  to 
gether.  Within  the  said  houses  there  are  many  rooms, 
lodgings,  and  chambers.  In  the  midst  of  every  one 
there  is  a  great  court,  in  the  middle  whereof  they  make 
their  fire.  They  live  in  common  together :  then  do  the 
husbands,  wives,  and  children,  each  one  retire  them- 

1  Montreal. 

2  Ramparts  or  palisades :  they  were  made  of  trunks  of  trees,  the  outer 
and  inner  row  inclining  toward  each  otfrer  till  they  met,  and  the  third  row 
standing  upright  between,  to  support  them. 


114  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 

selves  to  their  chambers.  They  have  also  on  the  top 
of  their  houses  certain  garrets,  wherein  they  keep  their 
corn  to  make  their  bread  withal.  They  call  it  carra- 
conny,  which  they  make  as  hereafter  shall  follow.  They 
have  certain  pieces  of  wood,  made  hollow  like  those 
whereon  we  beat  our  hemp  ;  and  with  certain  beetles  of 
wood  they  beat  their  corn  to  powder ;  then  they  make 
paste  of  it,  and  of  the  paste,  cakes  or  wreaths.  Then 
they  lay  them  on  a  broad  and  hot  stone,  and  then  cover 
it  with  hot  stones ;  and  so  they  bake  their  bread,  instead 
of  ovens. 

VI.  —  THE  FESTIVITIES  AT  HOCHELAGA. 

So  soon  as  we  were  come  near  the  town,  a  great 
number  of  the  inhabitants  thereof  came  to  present 
themselves  before  us,  after  their  fashion,  making  very, 
much  of  us.  We  were  by  our  guides  brought  into  the 
midst  of  the  town.  They  have  in  the  middlemost  part 
of  their  houses  a  large  square  place,  being  from  side  to 
side  a  good  stone's-cast,  whither  we  were  brought,  and 
there  with  signs  were  commanded  to  stay.  Then  sud 
denly  all  the  women  and  maidens  of  the  town  gathered 
themselves  together,  part  of  which  had  their  arms  full 
of  young  children ;  and  as  many  as  could  came  to  rub 
our  faces,  our  arms,  and  what  part  of  the  body  soever 
they  could  touch,  weeping  for  very  joy  that  they  saw  us, 
showing  us  the  best  countenance  that  possibly  they 
could,  desiring  us  with  their  signs  that  it  would  please 
us  to  touch  their  children.  That  done,  the  men  caused 
the  women  to  withdraw  themselves  back ;  then  they 
every  one  sat  down  on  the  ground  round  about  us,  as  if 


THE    FESTIVITIES    AT    HOCHELAGA.  115 

they  would  have  shown  and  rehearsed  some  comedy  or 
other  show ;  then  presently  came  the  women  again, 
every  one  bringing  a  large  square  mat,  in  manner  of 
carpets ;  and,  spreading  abroad  on  the  ground  in  that 
place,  they  caused  us  to  sit  upon  them. 

That  done,  the  lord  and  king  of  the  country  was 
brought  upon  nine  or  ten  men's  shoulders,  —  whom  in 
their  tongue  they  call  Agouhanna,  —  sitting  upon  a  great 
stag's  skin  ;  and  they  laid  him  down  upon  the  foresaid 
mats,  near  to  the  captain,  every  one  beckoning  unto  us 
that  he  was  their  lord  and  king.  This  Agouhanna  was 
a  man  about  fifty  years  old.:  he  was  no  whit  better 
apparelled  than  any  of  the  rest,  only  except  he  had  a 
certain  thing  made  of  the  skins  of  hedgehogs,  like  a 
red  wreath  ;  and  that  was  instead  of  his  crown.  He 
was  full  of  the  palsy ;  and  his  members  shrunk  together. 
After  he  had  with  certain  signs  saluted  our  captain  and 
all  his  company,  and  by  manifest  tokens  bid  all  welcome, 
he  showed  his  legs  and  arms  to  our  captain,  and  with 
signs  desired  him  to  touch  them  ;  and  so  he  did,  rub- 
ing  them  with  his  own  hands.  Then  did  Agouhanna 
take  the  wreath  or  crown  he  had  about  his  head,  and 
gave  it  unto  our  captain  ;  that  done,  they  brought  before 
him  divers  diseased  men,  —  some  blind,  some  cripple, 
some  lame  and  impotent,  and  some  so  old  that  the  hair 
of  their  eyelids  came  down,  and  covered  their  cheeks, 
—  and  laid  them  all  along  before  our  captain,  to  the  end 
they  might  of  him  be  touched  ;  for  it  seemed  unto  them 
that  God  was  descended  and  come  down  from  heaven 
to  heal  them. 

Our  captain,  seeing  the  misery  and  devotion  of  this 
poor  people,  recited  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  that  is  to 


Il6  THE  FRENCH  IN  CANADA. 

say,  "  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word,"  touching  every 
one  that  were  diseased,  praying  to  God  that  it  would 
please  him  to  open  the  hearts  of  this  poor  people,  and 
to  make  them  know  his  holy  word,  and  that  they  might 
receive  baptism  and  Christendom.  That  done,  he  took 
a  service-book  in  his  hand,  and  with  a  loud  voice  read 
all  the  passion l  of  Chrisj;,  word  by  word,  that  all  the 
standers-by  might  hear  him  ;  all  which  while  this  poor 
people  kept  silence,  and  were  marvellously  attentive  j 
looking  up  to  heaven,  and  imitating  us  in  gestures. 
Then  he  caused  the  men  all  orderly  to  be  set  on  one 
side,  the  women  on  another,  and  likewise  the  children 
on  another  :  and  to  the  chiefest  of  them  he  gave  hatch 
ets  ;  to  the  other,  knives  ;  and  to  the  women,  beads, 
and  such  other  small  trifles.  Then,  where  the  children 
were,  he  cast  rings,  counters,  and  brooches  made  of 
tin,  whereat  they  seemed  to  be  very  glad.  That  done, 
our  captain  commanded  trumpets  and  other  musical 
instruments  to  be  sounded,  which  when  they  heard, 
they  were  very  merry. 

Then  we  took  our  leave,  and  went  to  our  boat.  The 
women,  seeing  that,  put  themselves  before,  to  stay  us, 
and  brought  us  out  of  their  meats  that  they  had  made 
ready  for  us,  as  fish,  pottage,  beans,  and  such  other 
things,  thinking  to  make  us  eat  and  dine  in  that  place. 
But,  because  the  meats  had  no  savor  at  all  of  salt,  we 
liked  them  not,  but  thanked  them,  and  with  signs  gave 
them  to  understand  that  we  had  no  need  to  eat.  When 
we  were  out  of  the  town,  divers  of  the  men  and  women 
followed  us,  and  brought  us  to  the  top  of  the  foresaid 
mountain,  which  we  named  Mount  Royal :  it  is  about  a 

1  Crucifixion. 


THE    FESTIVITIES    AT    HOCHELAGA.  1 17 

league  from  the  town.  When  as  we  were  on  the  top  of 
it,  we  might  discern  and  plainly  see  thirty  leagues  about. 
On  the  north  side  of  it  there  are  many  hills  to  be  seen, 
running  west  and  east,  and  as  many  more  on  the  south, 
amongst  and  between  the  which  the  country  is  as  fair 
and  as  pleasant  as  possibly  can  be  seen  ;  being  level, 
smooth,  and  very  plain,  fit  to  be  husbanded  and  tilled. 
And  in  the  midst  of  these  fields  we  saw  the  river,  farther 
up,  a  great  way,  than  where  we  had  left  our  boats,  where 
was  the  greatest  and  the  swiftest  fall  of  water  that  any 
where  hath  been  seen,  and  as  great,  wide,  and  large  as 
our  sight  might  discern,  going  south-west  along  three 
fair  and  round  mountains  that  we  saw,  as  we  judged, 
about  fifteen  leagues  from  us. 

Those  which  brought  us  thither  told  and  showed  us, 
that,  in  the  said  river,  there  were  three  such  falls  of 
water  more,  as  that  was  where  we  had  left  our  boats ; 
but,  because  we  could  not  understand  their  language,  we 
could  not  know  how  far  they  were  one  from  another. 
Moreover,  they  showed  us  with  signs,  thatr  the  said  three 
falls  being  past,  a  man  might  sail  the  space  of  three 
months  more  alongst  that  river ;  and  that  along  the  hills 
that  are  on  the  north  side  there  is  a  great  river,  which  — 
even  as  the  other  —  cometh  from  the  west :  we  thought 
it  to  be  the  river  that  runneth  through  the  country  of 
Saguenay. 

[Cartier  afterwards  returned  to  the  harbor  of  the  Holy  Cross,  where  he 
and  his  men  passed  the  winter  of  1535-36  with  much  suffering.  They 
were  the  first  Europeans  to  pass  the  winter  in  the  northern  part  of  North 
America.  The  French  claim  to  the  possession  of  this  continent  was 
founded  on  Cartier's  discoveries.  The  expedition  reached  St.  Malo,  on 
.its  return,  July  16,  1536.] 


BOOK  VI.  - 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  DE  SOTCX 

(A.D.    1538-1542.) 


These  extracts  are  taken  from  "The  Worthy  and  Famous  History  of 
the  Travels,  Discovery,  and  Conquest  of  Terra  Florida,  accomplished  and 
effected  by  that  worthy  General  and  Captain,  Don  Ferdinando  de  Soto, 
and  six  hundred  Spaniards  his  followers."  (Reprinted  by  Hakluyt  Soci 
ety,  1851.)  Pages  9-16,  27-32,  89-92,  120-122,  125-127.  This  is  a 
translation,  made  by  Hakluyt  in  1609,  of  a  narrative  by  one  of  the  com 
panions  of  De  Soto,  first  published  in  1557. 


THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 


I. — How  DE  SOTO  SET  SAIL. 

CAPTAIN  SOTO  was  the  son  of  a  squire  of  Xerez 
of  Badajos.    He  went  into  the  Spanish  Indies  when 
Peter  Arias  of  Avila  was  governor  of  the  West  Indies. 
And  there   he   was   without 
any  thing  else  of   his   own, 
save  his  sword   and  target. 
And,  for  his  good  qualities 
and  valor,  Peter  Arias  made 
him  captain    of   a   troop   of 
horsemen  ;  and,  by  his  com 
mandment,  he  went  with  Fer 
nando    Pizarro  to    the  con 
quest    of    Peru,    where    (as 
many  persons  of   credit   re- 

DE   SOTO. 

ported,  which  were  there  pres 
ent)  .  .  .  he  passed   all  other  captains   and    principal 
persons.      For  which  cause,   besides    his    part  of   the 
treasure  of  Atabalipa,  he  had  a  good  share  ;  whereby 
in  time  he  gathered  an  hundred  and  fourscore  ducats 


122  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

together,  with  that  which  fell  to  his  part,  which  he 
brought  into  Spain.  .  .  .  The  emperor  made  him  the 
governor  of  the  Isle  of  Cuba,  and  addantado  or  presi 
dent  of  Florida,  with  a  title  of  marquis  of  certain  part 
of  the  lands  that  he  should  conquer.  .  .  . 

When  Don  Ferdinando  had  obtained  the  government, 
there  came  a  gentleman  from  the  Indies  to  the  court, 
named  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  which  had  been  with  the  gov 
ernor  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  which  died  in  Florida,  — 
who  reported  that  Narvaez  was  cast  away  at  sea,  with 
all  the  company  that  went  with  him,  and  how  he  with 
four  more  escaped,  and  arrived  in  New  Spain ;  and  he 
brought  a  relation  in  writing  of  that  which  he  had  seen 
in  Florida,  which  said  in  some  places,  "  In  such  a  place 
I  have  seen  this  ;  and  the  rest  which  here  I  saw,  I 
leave  to  confer  of  between  his  Majesty  and  myself."  .  .  . 
And  he  informed  them,  "  that  it  was  the  richest 
country  in  the  world."  Don  Ferdinand  de  Soto  was 
very  desirous  to  have  him  with  him,  and  made  him  a 
favorable  offer;  and  after  they  were  agreed,  because 
Soto  gave  him  not  a  sum  of  money  which  he  de 
manded  to  buy  a  ship,  they  broke  off  again.  .  .  . 

The  Portuguese  departed  from  Elvas  the  i5th  of  Jan 
uary,  and  came  to  Seville  the  igih  of  the  same  month, 
and  went  to  the  lodging  of  the  governor,  and  entered 
into  a  court,  over  the  which  there  were  certain  galleries 
where  he  was,  who  came  down,  and  received  them  at  the 
stairs  whereby  they  went  up  into  the  galleries.  When 
he  was  come  up,  he  commanded  chairs  to  be  given  them 
to  sit  on.  And  Andrew  de  Vasconcelos  told  him  who 
he  and  the  other  Portuguese  were,  and  how  they  all 
were  .come  to  accompany  him,  and  serve  him  in  his 


HOW    DE    SOTO    SET    SAIL.  123 

voyage.  He  gave  him  thanks,  and  made  show  of  great 
contentment  for  his  coming  and  offer.  And,  the  table 
.being  already  laid,  he  invited  them  to  dinner.  And, 
being  at  dinner,  ,he  commanded  his  steward  to  seek  a 
lodging  for  them  near  unto  his  own,  where  they  might 
be  lodged.  The  adelantado  departed  from  Seville  to 
Saint  Lucar  with  all  the  people  which  were  to  go  with 
him.  And  he  commanded  a  muster  to  be  made,  at  the 
which  the  Portuguese  showed  themselves  armed  in  very 
bright  armor,  and  the  Castilians  very  gallant  with  silk 
upon  silk,  with  many  pinkings  and  cuts.  The  governor, 
because  these  braveries1  in  such  an  action  did  not  like2 
him,  commanded  that  they  should  muster  another  day, 
and  every  one  should  come  forth  with  his  armor;  at 
the  which  the  Portuguese  came,  as  at  the  first,  with 
very  good  armor.  The  governor  placed  them  in  order 
near  unto  the  standard  which  the  ensign-bearer  carried. 
The  Castilians,  for  the  most  part,  did  wear  very  bad 
and  rusty  shirts  of  mail,  and  all  of  them  head-pieces 
and  steel  caps,  and  very  bad  lances  ;  and  some  of  them 
sought  to  come  among  the  Portuguese. 

So  those  passed,  and  were  counted  and  enrolled, 
which  Soto  liked  and  accepted  of,  and  did  accompany 
him  into  Florida,  which  were  in  all  six  hundred  men. 
He  had  already  bought  seven  ships,  and  had  all  neces 
sary  provision  aboard  them.  He  appointed  captains, 
and  delivered  to  every  one  his  ship,  and  gave  them  in  a 
roll  what  people  every  one  should  carry  with  them.  .  .  . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1538,  in  the  month  of  April, 
the  adelantado  delivered  his  ships  to  the  captains 
which  were  to  go  in  them  ;  and  took  for  himself  a  new 

l  Fine  clothes.        2  please. 


124  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

ship,  and  good  of  sail,  and  gave  another  to  Andrew  de 
Vasconcelos,  in  which  the  Portuguese  went.  He  went 
over  the  bar  of  San  Lucar  on  Sunday,  being  San  Lazarus 
day,  in  the  morning,  of  the  month  and  year  aforesaid, 
with  great  joy,  commanding  his  trumpets  to  be  sounded, 
and  many  shots  of  the  ordnance  to  be  discharged. 


II.  DE   SOTO  ATTACKS  THE  INDIANS,  AND  FINDS  A 

FELLOW-COUNTRYMAN. 

FROM  the  town  of  Ucita,1  the  governor  sent  the 
alcalde  mayor,  Baltasar  de  Gallegos,  with  forty  horse 
men  and  eighty  footmen,  into  the  country,  to  see  if 
they  could  take  any  Indians ;  and  the  captain,  John 
Rodriguez  Lobillo,  another  way,  with  fifty  footmen. 
The  most  of  them  were  swordmen  and  targetiers  ; 2  and 
the  rest  were  shot  and  crossbow  men.  They  passed 
through  a  country  full  of  bogs,  where  horses  could  not 
travel.  Half  a  league  from  the  camp,  they  lighted  upon 
certain  cabins  of  Indians  near  a  river.  The  people 
that  were  in  them  leaped  into  the  river ;  yet  they  took 
four  Indian  women :  and  twenty  Indians  charged  us, 
and  so  distressed  us,  that  we  were  forced  to  retire  to 
our  camp,  being,  as  they  are,  exceeding  ready  with  their 
weapons. 

It  is  a  people  so  warlike  and  so  nimble,  that  they 
care  not  a  whit  for  any  footmen ;  for,  if  their  enemies 
charge  them,  they  run  away ;  and,  if  they  turn  their 

1  Probably  near  the  Hillsborough  River  in  Florida. 

2  Men   who   carried   swords   and  targets.      Others  carried  matchlock 
guns  (arquebjiises)  or  cross-bows. 


DE    SOTO    ATTACKS    THE    INDIANS. 


I25 


backs,  they  are  presently  upon  them  ;  and  the  thing 
they  most  flee  is  the  shot  of  an  arrow.  They  never 
stand  still,  but  are  always  running  and  traversing1  from 
one  place  to  another,  by  reason  whereof  neither  cross 
bow  nor  arquebuse  can  aim  at  them  :  and,  before  one 
crossbow-man  can  make  one  shot,  an  Indian  will 
discharge  three  or  four  arrows ;  and  he  seldom  misseth 
what  he  shooteth  at.  An  arrow,  where  it  findeth  no 


LANDING   OF    DE   SOTO. 


armor,  pierceth  as  deeply  as  a  crossbow.  Their  bows 
are  very  long ;  and  their  arrows  are  made  of  certain 
canes  like  reeds,  very  heavy,  and  so  strong,  that  a  sharp 
cane  passeth  through  a  target.  Some  they  arm  in  the 
point  with  a  sharp  bone  of  a  fish  like  a  chisel ;  and  in 

1  Crossing. 


126  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

others  they  fasten  certain  stones  like  points  of  dia 
monds.  For  the  most  part,  when  they  light  upon  an 
armor,  they  break  in  the  place  where  they  are  bound 
together.  Those  of  cane  do  split  and  pierce  a  coat  of 
mail,  and  are  more  hurtful  than  the  other. 

John  Rodriguez  Lobillo  returned  to  the  camp  with 
six  men  wounded,  whereof  one  died,  and  brought  the 
four  Indian  women  which  Baltasar  Gallegos  had  taken 
in  the  cabins  or  cottages.  Two  leagues  from  the  town, 
coming  into  the  plain  field,  he  espied  ten  or  eleven 
Indians,  among  whom  was  a  Christian,  which  was  naked 
and  scorched  with  the  sun,  and  had  his  arms  razed,1 
after  the  manner  of  the  Indians,  and  differed  nothing 
at  all  from  them.  And,  as  soon  as  the  horsemen  saw 
them,  they  ran  toward  them.  The  Indians  fled,  and 
some  of  them  hid  themselves  in  a  wood  ;  and  they  over 
took  two  or  three  of  them  which  were  wounded.  And 
the  Christian,  seeing  an  horseman  run  upon  him  with 
his  lance,  began  to  cry  out,  "  Sirs,  I  am  a  Christian  ! 
Slay  me  not,  nor  these  Indians  ;  for  they  have  saved  my 
life."  And  straightway  he  called  them,  and  put  them 
out  of  fear;  and  they  came  forth  of  the  wood  unto 
them.  The  horsemen  took  both  the  Christian  and  the 
Indians  up  behind  them,  and  toward  night  came  into 
the  camp  with  much  joy ;  which  thing  being  known  by 
the  governor  and  them  that  remained  in  the  •  camp, 
they  were  received  with  the  like.2 

l  Made  smooth.  2  With  the  same  joy. 


THE    STORY    OF    JOHN    ORTIZ.  127 


III.  —  THE  STORY  OF  JOHN  ORTIZ. 

THIS  Christian's  name  was  John  Ortiz ;  and  he  was 
bom  in  Seville,  in  worshipful  parentage.1  He  was 
twelve  years  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  He  came 
into  this  country  with  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  and 
returned  in  the  ships  to  the  Island  of  Cuba,  where  the 
wife  of  the  governor,  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  was;  and 
by  his  commandment,  with  twenty  or  thirty  in  a  brigan- 
tine,  returned  back  again  to  Florida.  And  coming  to 
the  port  in  the  sight  of  the  town,  on  the  shore  they 
saw  a  cane  sticking  in  the  ground,  and  riven 2  at  the  top, 
and  a  letter  in  it.  And  they  believed  that  the  governor 
had  left  it  there  to  give  advertisement3  of  himself  when 
he  resolved  to  go  up  into  the  land ;  and  they  demanded 
it  of  four  or  five  Indians  which  walked  along  the  sea 
shore  ;  and  they  bade  them  by  signs  to  come  on  shore 
for  it,  which,  against  the  will  of  the  rest,  John  Ortiz 
and  another  did. 

And  as  soon  as  they  were  on  land,  from  the  houses 
of  the  town  issued  a  great  number  of  Indians,  which 
compassed  them  about,  and  took  them  in  a  place  where 
they  could  not  flee ;  and  the  other,  which  sought  to 
defend  himself,  they  presently  killed  upon  the  place, 
and  took  John  Ortiz  alive,  and  carried  him  to  Ucita, 
their  lord.  And  those  of  the  brigantine  sought  not  to 
land,  but  put  themselves  to  sea,  and  returned  to  the 
Island  of  Cuba.  Ucita  commanded  to  bind  John  Ortiz 
hand  and  foot  upon  four  stakes  aloft  upon  a  raft,  and 
to  make  a  fire  under  him,  that  there  he  might  be 

1  Of  a  good  family.  2  Split.  3  Information. 


128  THE   ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

burned.  But  a  daughter  of  his  desired  him  that  he 
would  not  put  him  to  death,  alleging  that  one  only 
Christian  could  do  him  neither  hurt  nor  good,  telling 
him  that  it  was  more  for  his  honor  to  keep  him  as  a 
captive.  And  Ucita  granted  her  request,  and  com 
manded  him  to  be  cured  of  his  wounds;  and,  as  soon 
as  he  was  whole,  he  gave  him  the  charge  of  the  keep 
ing  of  the  temple,  because  that  by  night  the  wolves  did 
carry  away  the  dead  bodies  out  of  the  same ;  who 
commended  himself  to  God,  and  took  upon  him  the 
charge  of  his  temple. 

One  night  the  wolves  got  from  him  the  body  of  a 
little  child,  the  son  of  a  principal  Indian  ;  and,  going 
after  them,  he  threw  a  dart  at  one  of  the  wolves,  and 
struck  him l  that  carried  away  the  body,  who,  feeling 
himself  wounded,  left  it,  and  fell  down  dead  near  the 
place  ;  and  he,  not  wotting2  what  he  had  done,  because 
it  was  night,  went  back  again  to  the  temple.  The 
morning  being  come,  and  finding  not  the  body  of  the 
child,  he  was  very  sad.  As  soon  as  Ucita  knew  thereof, 
he  resolved  to  put  him  to  death,  and  sent  by  the  track 
which  he  said  the  wolves  went,  and  found  the  body  of 
the  child,  and  the  wolf  dead  a  little  beyond  :  whereat 
Ucita  was  much  contented  with  the  Christian,  and  with 
the  watch  which  he  kept  in  the  temple,  and  from  thence 
forward  esteemed  him  much. 

Three  years  after  he  fell  into  his  hands,  there  came 
another  lord,  called  MOCOC.O,  who  dwelleth  two  days' 
journey  from  the  port,  and  burned  his  town.  Ucita 
fled  to  another  town  that  he  had  in  another  seaport. 
Thus  John  Ortiz  lost  his  office  and  favor  that  he  had 

1  The  wolf.  2  Knowing. 


THE    STORY    OF    JOHN    ORTIZ.  1 29 

with  him.  These  people,  being  worshippers  of  the  devil, 
are  wont  to  offer  up  unto  him  the  lives  and  blood  of 
.their  Indians,  or  of  any  other  people  they  can  come 
by  ;  and  they  report,  that,  when  he  will  have  them  do 
that  sacrifice  unto  him,  he  speaketh  with  them,  and 
telleth  them  that  he  is  athirst,  and  willeth  them  to  sac 
rifice  unto  him.  John  Ortiz  had  notice  by  the  damsel 
that  had  delivered  him  from  the  fire,  how  her  father 
was  determined  to  sacrifice  him  the  day  following,  who 
willed  him  to  flee  to  Mocogo,  for  she  knew  that  he 
would  use  him  well ;  for  she  heard  say  that  he  had 
asked  for  him,  and  said  he  would  be  glad  to  see  him. 
And,  because  he  knew  not  the  way,  she  went  with  him 
half  a  league  out  of  the  town  by  night,  and  set  him  in 
the  way,  and  returned,  because  she  would  not  be  dis 
covered. 

John  Ortiz  travelled  all  that  night,  and  by  the  morn 
ing  came  unto  a  river  which  is  in  the  territory  of 
Mocogo ;  and  there  he  saw  two  Indians  fishing.  And 
because  they  were  in  war  with  the  people  of  Ucita,  and 
their  languages  were  different,  and  he  knew  not  the 
language  of  Mocogo,  he  was  afraid  —  because  he  could 
not  tell  them  who  he  was,  nor  how  he  came  thither ; 
nor  was  able  to  answer  any  thing  for  himself  —  that 
they  would  kill  him,  taking  him  for  one  of  the  Indians 
of  Ucita.  And,  before  they  espied  him,  he  came  to  the 
place  where  they  had  laid  their  weapons ;  and,  as  soon 
as  they  saw  him,  they  fled  toward  the  town  ;  and  al 
though  he  willed  them  to  stay,  because  he  meant  to  do 
them  no  hurt,  yet  they  understood  him  not,  and  ran 
away  as  fast  as  ever  they  could.  And  as  soon  as  they 
came  to  the  town,  with  great  outcries,  many  Indians 


130  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

came  forth  against  him,  and  began  to  compass l  him  to 
shoot  at  him.  John  Ortiz,  seeing  himself  in  so  great 
danger,  shielded  himself  with  certain  trees,  and  began 
to  shriek  out,  and  cry  very  loud,  and  to  tell  them  that 
he  was  a  Christian,  and  that  he  was  fled  from  Ucita, 
and  was  come  to  see  and  serve  Mocogo,  his  lord. 

It  pleased  God,  that  at  that  very  instant  there  came 
thither  an  Indian  that  could  speak  the  language,  and 
understood  him,  and  pacified  the  rest,  who  told  them 
what  he  said.  Then  ran  from  thence  three  or  four 
Indians  to  bear  the  news  to  their  lord,  who  came  forth 
a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  town  to  receive  him,  and 
was  very  glad  of  him.  He  caused  him  presently  to 
swear,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Christians,  that 
he  would  not  run  away  from  him  to  any  other  lord,  and 
promised  him  to  entreat2  him  very  well,  and  that,  if  at 
any  time  there  came  any  Christians  into  that  country, 
he  would  freely  let  him  go,  and  give  him  leave  to  go,  to 
them ;  and  likewise  took  his  oath  to  perform  the  same 
according  to  the  Indian  custom.  About  three  years 
after,  certain  Indians  which  were  fishing  at  sea,  two 
leagues  from  the  town,  brought  news  to  Moco5O  that 
they  had  seen  ships  ;  and  he  called  John  Ortiz,  and 
gave  him  leave  to  go  his  way ;  who,  taking  his  leave  of 
him,  with  all  the  haste  he  could,  came  to  the  sea ;  and, 
finding  no  ships,  he  thought  it  to  be  some  deceit,  and 
that  the  cacique 3  had  done  the  same  to  learn  his  mind : 
so  he  dwelt  with  Mocogo  nine  years,  with  small  hope  of 
seeing  any  Christians. 

As  soon  as  our  governor^  arrived  in  Florida,  it  was 
known  to  Mocogo  ;  and  straightway  he  signified  to  John 

l  Surround.  2  Treat.  3  Chief. 


DE   SOTO    DISCOVERS   THE    MISSISSIPPI.  131 

Ortiz  that  Christians  were  lodged  in  the  town  of  Ucita. 
And  he  thought  he  had  jested  with  him,  as  he  had  done 
before,  and  told  him,  that  by  this  time  he  had  forgot 
ten  the  Christians,  and  thought  of  nothing  else  but  to 
serve  him.  But  he  assured  him  that  it  was  so,  and 
gave  him  license  to  go  unto  them,  saying  unto  him, 
that  if  he  would  not  do  it,  and  if  the  Christians  should 
go  their  way,  he  should  not  blame  him  ;  for  he  had  ful 
filled  that  which  he  had  promised  him.  The  joy  of 
John  Ortiz  was  so  great,  that  he  could  not  believe  that 
it  was  true;  notwithstanding,  he  gave  him  thanks,  and 
took  his  leave  of  him.  And  MOCOC.O  gave  him  ten  or 
eleven  principal  Indians  to  bear  him  company.  And,  as 
they  went  to  the  port  where  the  governor  was,  they  met 
with  Baltasar  de  Gallegos,  as  I  have  declared  before. 


IV.  —  DE  SOTO  DISCOVERS  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

THE  next  day,  when  the  governor  expected  the 
cacique,  there  came  many  Indians  with  their  bows  and 
arrows,  with  a  purpose  to  set  upon  l  the  Christians.  The 
governor  had  commanded  all  the  horsemen  to  be  armed 
and  on  horseback,  and  in  a  readiness.  When  the  Indians 
saw  that  they  were  ready,  they  stayed  a  crossbow-shot 
from  the  place  where  the  governor  was,  near  a  brook. 
And,  after  half  an  hour  that  they  had  stood  there  still, 
there  came  to  the  camp  six  principal  Indians,  and  said 
they  came  to  see  what  people  they  were  ;  and  that  long 
ago  they  had  been  informed  by  their  forefathers  that  a 
white  people  should  subdue  them,  and  therefore  they 

i  Attack. 


132  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

would  return  to  their  cacique,  and  bid  him  come  pres 
ently,  to  obey  and  serve  the  governor.  And,  after  they 
had  presented  him  with  six  or  seven  skins  and  mantles 
which  they  brought,  they  took  their  leave  of  him,  and 
returned  with  the  other,  which  waited  for  them  by  the 
brookside.  The  cacique  never  came  again,  nor  sent 
other  message. 

And,  because  in  the  town  where  the  governor  lodged 
there  was  small  store  of  maize,  he  removed  to  another 
half  a  league  from  Rio  Grande,1  where  they  found  plenty 
of  maize.  And  he  went  to  see  the  river,  and  found 
that  near  unto  it  was  great  store  of  timber  to  make 
barges,  and  good  situation  of  ground  to  encamp  in. 
Presently  he  removed  himself  thither.  They  made 
houses,  and  pitched  their  camp  in  a  plain  field,  a  cross 
bow-shot  from  the  river.  And  thither  was  gathered  all 
the  maize  of  the  towns  which  they  had  lately  passed. 
They  began  presently  to  cut  and  hew  down  timber,  and 
to  saw  planks  for  barges.  The  Indians  came  presently 
down  the  river :  they  leaped  on  shore,  and  declared  to 
the  governor  that  they  were  subjects  of  a  great  lord, 
whose  name  was  Aquixo,  who  was  lord  of  many  towns, 
and  governed  many  people  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river ;  and  came  to  tell  him,  on  his  behalf,  that  the  next 
day  he,  with  all  his  men,  would  come  to  see  what  it 
would  please  him  to  command  him. 

The  next  day,  with  speed,  the  cacique  came  with  two 
hundred  canoes  full  of  Indians,  with  their  bows  and 
arrows,  painted,  and  with  great  plumes  of  white  feath 
ers,  and  many  other  colors,  with  shields  in  their  hands, 
wherewith  they  defended  the  rowers  on  both  sides  ;  and 

1  The  Great  River,  or  Mississippi. 


DE    SOTO    DISCOVERS    THE    MISSISSIPPI.  133 

the  men-of-war  stood  from  the  head  to  the  stern,  with 
their  bows  and  arrows  in  their  hands.  The  canoe 
.wherein  the  cacique  was  had  a  tilt l  over  the  stern ; 
and  he  sat  under  the  tilt :  and  so  were  other  canoes  of 
the  principal  Indians.  And  from  under  the  tilt,  where 
the  chief  man  sat,  he  governed  and  commanded  the 
other  people.  All  joined  together,  and  came  within  a 
stone's-cast  of  the  shore. 

From  thence  the  cacique  said  to  the  governor,  which 
walked  along  the  river's  side  with  others  that  waited  on 
him,  that  he  was  come  thither  to  visit,  to  honor,  and  to 
obey  him,  because  he  knew  he  was  the  greatest  and 
mightiest  lord  on  the  earth :  therefore  he  would  see 
what  he  would  command  him  to  do.  The  governor 
yielded  him  thanks,  and  requested  him  to  come  on 
shore,  that  they  might  the  better  communicate  together. 
And,  without  any  answer  to  that  point,  he  sent  him 
three  canoes,  wherein  was  great  store  of  fish,  and  loaves 
made  of  the  substance  of  prunes,2  like  unto  bricks. 
After  he  had  received  all,  he  thanked  him,  and  prayed 
him  again  to  come  on  shore.  And,  because  the  cacique's 
purpose  was  to  see  if  with  dissimulation  he  might  do 
some  hurt,  when  they  saw  that  the  governor  and  his 
men  were  in  readiness,  they  began  to  go  from  the  shore  ; 
and,  with  a  great  cry,  the  crossbow-men  which  were 
ready  shot  at  them,  and  slew  five  or  six  of  them.  They 
retired  with  great  order.  None  did  leave  his  oar,  though 
the  next  to  him  were  slain ;  and,  shielding  themselves, 
they  went  farther  off.  Afterward  they  came  many  times, 
and  landed  ;  and,  when  any  of  us  came  toward  them, 
they  fled  unto  their  canoes,  which  were  pleasant  to 

1  An  awning.  2  Persimmons. 


134          THE  ADVENTURES  OF  DE  SOTO. 

behold,  for  they  were  very  great,  and  well  made,  and 
had  their  awnings,  plumes,  shields,  and  flags  ;  and,  with 
the  multitude  of  people  that  were  in  them,  they  seemed 
to  be  a  fair  army  of  galleys. 

In  thirty  days'  space,  while  the  governor  remained 
there,  they  made  four  barges,  in  three  of  which  he  com 
manded  twelve  horsemen  to  enter  (in  each  of  them  four), 
in  a  morning,  three  hours  before  day,  —  men  which  he 
trusted  would  land  in  despite  of  the  Indians,  and  make 
sure  the  passage,  or  die  ;  and  some  footmen,  being 
crossbow-men,  went  with  them,  and  rowers  to  set  them 
on  the  other  side.  And  in  the  other  barge  he  com 
manded  John  de  Guzman  to  pass  with  the  footmen, 
which  was  made  captain  instead  of  Francisco  Mal- 
donado.  And,  because  the  stream  was  swift,  they  went 
a  quarter  of  a  league  up  the  river,  along  the  bank,  and, 
crossing  over,  fell  down  with  the  stream,  and  landed 
right  over  against  the  camps. 

Two  stones'-cast  before  they  came  to  land,  the  horse 
men  went  out  of  the  barges  on  horseback,  to  a  sandy 
plot  of  very  hard  and  clear  ground,  where  all  of  them 
landed  without  any  resistance.  As  soon  as  those  that 
passed  first  were  on  land  on  the  other  side,  the  barges 
returned  to  the  place  where  the  governor  was  ;  and, 
within  two  hours  after  sunrising,  all  the  people  were 
over.1  The  river  was  almost  half  a  league  broad.  If 
a  man  stood  still  on  the  other  side,  it  could  not  be  dis 
cerned  whether  he  were  a  man  or  no.  The  river  was 
of  great  depth,  and  of  a  strong  current.  The  river  was 
always  muddy.  There  came  down  the  river  continually 
many  trees  and  timber,  which  the  force  of  the  water  and 

1  The  place  of  crossing  was  probably  near  Helena,  Arkansas. 


DE    SOTO'S    ATTEMPTS    TO    REACH    THE    SEA.          135 

stream  brought  down.  There  was  great  store  of  fish  in 
it,  of  sundry  sorts,  and  the  most  of  it  differing  from  the 
fresh-water  fish  of  Spain,  as  hereafter  shall  be  shown. 


V. —  DE  SOTO'S  VAIN  ATTEMPTS  TO  REACH  THE  SEA. 

THAT  day  came  an  Indian  to  the  governor  from  the 
cacique  of  Guachoya,  and  said  that  his  lord  would  come 
the  next  day.  The  next  day  they  saw  many  canoes 
come  up  the  river  ;  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  great 
river  they  assembled  together  in  the  space  of  an  hour. 
They  consulted  whether  they  should  come  or  not ;  and 
at  length  concluded  to  come,  and  crossed  the  river.  In 
them  came  the  cacique  of  Guachoya,  and  brought  with 
him  many  Indians,  with  great  store  of  fish,  dogs,  deer's 
skins,  and  mantles.  And,  as  soon  as  they  landed,  they 
went  to  the  lodging  of  the  governor,  and  presented  him 
their  gifts.  And  the  cacique  uttered  these  words  :  — 

"  Mighty  and  excellent  lord,  I  beseech  your  lordship 
to  pardon  me  the  error  which  I  committed  in  absenting 
myself,  and  not  tarrying  in  this  town  to  have  received 
your  lordship.  .  .  .  But  I  feared  that  which  I  needed 
not  to  have  feared,  and  so  did  that  which  was  not  rea 
son  to  do."  .  .  . 

The  governor  received  him  with  much  joy,  and  gave 
him  thanks  for  his  present  and  offer.  He  asked  him 
whether  he  had  any  notice  of  the  sea.  He  answered, 
No,  nor  of  any  towns  down  the  river  on  that  side,  save 
that  two  leagues  from  thence  was  one  town  of  a  princi 
pal  Indian,  a  subject  of  his  ;  and  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river,  three  days'  journey  from  thence  down  the 


136  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

river,  was  the  province  of  Quigalta,  which  was  the 
greatest  lord  that  was  in  that  country.  The  governor 
thought  that  the  cacique  lied  unto  him  to  rid l  him  out 
of  his  own  towns,  and  sent  John  Danusco,  with  eight 
horsemen,  down  the  river  to  see  what  habitation  there 
was,  and  to  inform  himself  if  there  were  any  notice  of 
the  sea.  He  travelled  eight  days  ;  and  at  his  return  he 
said,  that,  in  all  that  time,  he  was  not  able  to  go  above 
fourteen  or  fifteen  leagues,  because  of  the  great  creeks 
that  came  out  of  the  river,  and  groves  of  canes  and 
thick  woods  that  were  along  the  banks  of  the  river, 
and  that  he  had  found  no  habitation. 

The  governor  fell  into  great  dumps  to  see  how  hard 
it  was  to  get  to  the  sea,  and  worse  because  his '  men 
and  horses  every  day  diminished,  being  without  succor 
to  sustain  themselves  in  the  country ;  and  with  that 
thought  he  fell  sick.  But,  before  he  took  his  bed,  he 
sent  an  Indian  to  the  cacique  of  Quigalta,  to  tell  him 
that  he  was  the  child  of  the  sun  ;  and  that,  all  the  way 
that  he  came,  all  men  obeyed  and  served  him ;  that  he 
requested  him  to  accept  of  his  friendship,  and  come 
unto  him,  for  he  would  be  very  glad  to  see  him  ;  and, 
in  sign  of  love  and  obedience,  to  bring  something  with 
him  of  that  which  in  his  country  was  most  esteemed. 
The  cacique  answered  by  the  same  Indian,  — 

"  That  whereas  he  said  he  was  the  child  of  the  sun, 
if  he  would  dry  up  the  river,  he  would  believe  him. 
And  touching  the  rest,  that  he  was  wont  to  visit  none  ; 
but,  rather,  that  all  those  of  whom  he  had  notice  did 
visit  him,  served,  obeyed,  and  paid  him  tributes,  either 
willingly  or  perforce :  therefore,  if  he  desired  to  see  him, 

1  i.e.,  get  rid  of  him. 


DE   SOTO'S   ATTEMPTS    TO    REACH    THE    SEA.          137 

it  were  best  that  he  should  come  thither;  that,  if  he 
came  in  peace,  he  would  receive  him  with  special  good 
will  ;  and,  if  in  war,  in  like  manner  he  would  attend 
him  in  the  town  where  he  was ;  and  that  for  him,  or  any 
other,  he  would  not  shrink  one  foot  back." 

By  that  time  the  Indian  returned  with  this  answer, 
the  governor  had  betaken  himself  to  bed,  being  evil 
handled  *  with  fevers,  and  was  much  aggrieved  that  he 
was  not  in  case  to  pass  presently  the  river,  and  to  seek 
him,  to  see  if  he  could  abate  that  pride  of  his,2  consid 
ering  the  river  went  now  very  strongly  in  those  parts  ; 
for  it  was  near  half  a  league  broad,  and  sixteen 
fathoms  deep,  and  very  furious,  and  ran  with  a  great 
current ;  and  on  both  sides  there  were  many  Indians ; 
and  his  power 3  was  not  now  so  great,  but  that  he  had 
need  to  help  himself  rather  by  sleights  than  by  force. 
The  Indians  of  Guachoya  came  every  day  with  fish  in 
such  numbers,  that  the  town  was  full  of  them.  The 
cacique  said,  that,  on  a  certain  night,  he  of  Quigalta 
would  come  to  give  battle  to  the  governor,  which  the 
governor  imagined  that  he  had  devised  to  drive  him 
out  of  his  country,  and  commanded  him  to  be  put  in 
hold  ;4  and  that  night,  and  all  the  rest,  there  was  good 
watch  kept.  He  asked  him  wherefore  Quigalta  came 
not.  He  said  that  he  came  ;  but  that  he  saw  him  pre 
pared,  and  therefore  durst  not  give  the  attempt.  And 
all  night  the  horsemen  went  the  round ;  and  two  and 
two  of  every  squadron  rode  about,  and  visited  the 
scouts  that  were  without  the  town  in  their  standings 
by  the  passages,  and  the  crossbow-men  that  kept  the 
canoes  in  the  rivers. 

1  Sorely  troubled.  -  i.e.,  subdue  the  Indian  chief. 

3  Military  force.  4  Confinement. 


138  THE    ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 


VI.  —  DEATH  AND  BURIAL  OF  DE  SOTO. 

THE  next  day,  being  the  2ist  of  May,  1542,  departed 
out  of  this  life  the  valorous,  virtuous,  and  valiant  cap 
tain,  Don  Ferdinando  de  Soto,  governor  of  Cuba,  and 
adelantado  of  Florida,  whom  fortune  advanced,  as  it 
used  to  do  others,  that  he  might  have  the  higher  fall. 
He  departed  in  such  a  place  and  at  such  a  time,  as 
[that]  in  his  sickness  he  had  but  little  comfort ;  and  the 
danger  wherein  all  his  people  were  of  perishing  in  that 
country,  which  appeared  before  their  eyes,  was  cause 
sufficient  why  every  one  of  them  had  need  of  comfort, 
and  why  they  did  not  visit  nor  accompany  him  as  they 
ought  to  have  done.  Luys  de  Moscoso  determined  to 
conceal  his  death  from  the  Indians,  because  Ferdi 
nando  de  Soto  had  made  them  believe  that  the  Chrisr 
tians  were  immortal,  and  also  because  they  took  him  to 
be  hardy,  wise,  and  valiant ;  and,  if  they  should  know 
that  he  was  dead,  they  would  be  bold  to  set  upon *  the 
Christians,  though  they  lived  peaceably  by  them.  In 
regard  to  their  disposition,  and  because  they  were 
nothing  constant,  and  believed  all  that  was  told  them, 
the  adelantado  made  them  believe  that  he  knew  some 
things  that  passed  in  secret  among  themselves,  without 
their  knowledge  how  or  in  what  manner  he  came  by 
them  ;  and  that  the  figure  which  appeared  in  a  glass  - 
which  he  showed  them  did  tell  him  whatsoever  they 
practised  and  went  about  ;  and  therefore  neither  in 
word  nor  deed  durst  they  attempt  any  thing  that  might 
be  prejudicial  unto  him. 

1  Attack.  2  i.e.,  their  own  reflection  in  a  mirror. 


DEATH    AND    BURIAL    OF    DE    SOTO.  139 

As  soon  as  he  was  dead,  Luys  de  Moscoso  com 
manded  to  put  him  secretly  in  a  house,  where  he  re 
mained  three  days  ;  and,  removing  him  from  thence, 
commanded  him  to  be  buried  in  the  night  at  one  of 
the  gates  of  the  town  within  the  wall.  And  as  the 
Indians  had  seen  him  sick,  and  missed  him,  so  did  they 
suspect  what  might  be.  And  passing  by  the  place 
where  he  was  buried,  seeing  the  earth  moved,  they 
looked  and  spake  one  to  another.  Luys  de  Moscoso, 
understanding  of  it,  commanded  him  to  be  taken  up 
by  night,  and  to  cast  a  great  deal  of  sand  into  the 
mantles  wherein  he  was  winded  up,  wherein  he  was 
carried  in  a  canoe,  and  thrown  into  the  midst  of  the 
river. 

The  cacique  of  Guachoya  inquired  for  him,  demand 
ing  what  was  become  of  his  brother  and  lord,  the 
governor.  Luys  de  Moscoso  told  him  that  he  was  gone 
to  heaven,  as  many  other  times  he  did ;  and,  because 
he  was  to  stay  there  certain  days,  he  had  left  him  in 
his  place.  The  cacique  thought  with  himself  that  he 
was  dead,  and  commanded  two  young  and  well-propor 
tioned  Indians  to  be  brought  thither,  and  said  that  the 
use  of  that  country  was,  when  any  lord  died,  to  kill 
Indians  to  wait  upon  him,  and  serve  him  by  the  way; 
and  for  that  purpose,  by  his  commandment,  were  those 
come  thither ;  and  prayed  Luys  de  Moscoso  to  com 
mand  them  to  be  beheaded,  that  they  might  attend  and 
serve  his  lord  and  brother.  Luys  de  Moscoso  told 
him  that  the  governor  was  not  dead,  but  gone  to 
heaven,  and  that  of  his  own  Christian  soldiers  he  had 
taken  such  as  he  needed  to  serve  him  ;  and  prayed  him 
to  command  those  Indians  to  be  loosed,  and  not  to  use 


140  THE   ADVENTURES    OF    DE    SOTO. 

any  such  bad  custom  from  thenceforth.  Straightway 
he  commanded  them  to  be  loosed,  and  to  get  them 
home  to  their  houses.  And  one  of  them  would  not  go, 

o     " 

saying  that  he  would  not  serve  him  that  without  desert 
had  judged  him  to  death ;  but  that  he  would  serve  him, 
as  long  as  he  lived,  which  had  saved  his  life. 

[After  th.e  death  of  De  Soto,  his  companions  descended  the  Missis 
sippi  to  its  mouth.] 


BOOK  VII. 

THE  FRENCH  IN  FLORIDA. 

(A.D.   1562-1565.) 


INDIANS    IN    CANOE. 


Ribaut's  personal  narrative  is  here  reprinted  from  Hakluyt's  "  Divers 
Voyages"  (London,  Hakluyt  Society,  1850),  pp.  91-115. 

These  extracts  from  Laudonniere's  narrative  are  reprinted  from  Hak 
luyt's  translation  in  his  "  Voyages"  (edition  of  1810),  vol.  iii.  pp.  371-373, 
378-384,  386,  387,  423-427- 

Parkman  tells  the  story  of  these  adventures  in  the  first  half  of  his 
"  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World."  There  is  a  memoir  of  Ribaut 
by  Jared  Sparks,  in  his  "  American  Biography,"  vol.  xvii. 


THE  FRENCH  IN  FLORIDA. 


I.  —  JEAN  RIBAUT  IN  FLORIDA. 

["  Dedicated  to  a  great   nobleman !  of   France,  and  translated  into 
English  by  one  Thomas  Hackit."] 

WHEREAS,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God  1562, 
it  pleased  God  to  move  your  Honor  to  choose 
and  appoint  us  to  discover  and  view  a  certain  long 
coast  of  the  West  India,  from  the  head  of  the  land 
called  La  Florida,  drawing  toward  the  north  part,  unto 
the  head  of  Britons,2  distant  from  the  said  head  of 
La  Florida  nine  hundred  leagues,  or  thereabout,  to  the 
end  we  might  certify  you,  and  make  true  report  of  the 
temperature,  fertility,  ports,  havens,  rivers,  and  generally 
of  all  the  commodities  that  be  seen  and  found  in  that 
land,  and  also  to  learn  what  people  were  there  dwell 
ing.  .  .  . 

Thursday,  the  last  of  April,  at  the  break  of  the  day, 
we    discovered    and    clearly  perceived   a  fair    coast, 

1  Admiral  De  Coligny. 

2  i.e.,  Cape  Breton.      The  whole  coast  was  then  thought  a  part  of 
India. 

H3 


144  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

stretching  of  a  great  length,  covered  with  an  infinite 
number  of  high  and  fair  trees  ;  we  being  not  past  seven 
or  eight  leagues  from  the  shore.  .  .  . 

Where  finding  thirty-six  fathom  water  [we]  entered 
into  a  goodly  and  great  river,1  which,  as  we  went,  found 
to  increase  still  in  depth  and  largeness,  boiling  and  roar 
ing  through  the  multitude  of  all  kind  of  fish.  This 
being  entered,  we  perceived  a  great  number  of  the 
Indians,  inhabitants  there,  coming  along  the  sands  and 
sea-banks,  coming  near  unto  us,  without  any  taking  of 
fear  or  doubt,  showing  unto  us  the  easiest  landing- 
place,  and  thereupon,  we,  giving  them  also  on  our 
parts,  thanks  of  assurance  and  friendliness.  Forthwith, 
one  of  appearance  out  of  the  best  among  them,2  brother 
unto  one  of  their  kings  or  governors,  commanded  one 
of  the  Indians  to  enter  into  the  water,  and  to  approach 
our  boats,  to  show  us  the  coast's  landing-place.  We, 
seeing  this,  without  any  more  doubting  or  difficulty 
landed  ;  and  the  messenger,  after  we  had  rewarded  him 
with  some  looking-glass  and  other  pretty  things  of  small 
value,  ran  incontinently  toward  his  lord,  who  forth 
with  sent  me  his  girdle  in  token  of  assurance  and 
friendship,  which  girdle  was  made  of  red  leather,  as 
well  covered  and  colored  as  was  possible.  And,  as  I 
began  to  go  toward  him,  he  set  forth  and  came  and 
received  me  gently,  and  raised 3  after  his  manner,  all  his 
men  following  with  great  silence  and  modesty;  yea, 
more  than  our  men  did.  And  after  we  had  awhile  with 
gentle  usage  congratulated  with  him,  we  fell  to  the 
ground  a  little  way  from  them,  to  call  upon  the  name 

1  Probably  St.  John's  River,  Florida. 
2  i.e.,  one  of  the  best  in  appearance.  3  Saluted. 


JEAN    RIBAUT    IN    FLORIDA.  145 

of  God,  and  to  beseech  him  to  continue  still  his 
goodness  towards  us,  and  bring  to  the  knowledge  of 
our  Saviour  Christ  this  poor  people.  While  we  were 
thus  praying,  they  —  sitting  upon  the  ground,  which  was 
strewed  and  dressed  with  bay-boughs  —  beheld  and 
harkened  unto  us  very  attentively,  without  either  speak 
ing  or  moving ;  and  as  I  made  a  sign  unto  their  king, 
lifting  up  mine  arm,  and  stretching  forth  one  finger, 
only  to  make  them  look  up  to  heavenward,  he  likewise, 
lifting  up  his  arm  toward  heaven,  put  forth  two  fingers, 
whereby  it  seemed  that  he  made  us  to  understand  that 
they  worshipped  the  sun  and  moon  for  gods  ;  as  after 
wards  we  understood  it  so.  In  the  mean  time  their 
numbers  increased ;  and  thither  came  the  king's 
brother  that  was  first  with  us,  their  mother,  wives, 
sisters,  and  children ;  and,  being  thus  assembled,  they 
caused  a  great  number  of  bay-boughs  to  be  cut,  and 
therewith  a  place  to  be  dressed  for  us,  distant  from 
theirs  two  fathom.  For  it  is  their  manner  to  talk  and 
bargain,  sitting,  and  the  chief  of  them  to  be  apart  from 
the  meaner  sort,  with  a  show  of  great  obedience  to 
their  kings,  superiors,  and  elders.  They  be  all  naked, 
and  of  a  goodly  stature,  mighty,  and  as  well  shapen 
and  proportioned  of  body,  as  any  people  in  the  world, 
very  gentle,  courteous,  and  of  a  good  nature.  .  .  . 

After  we  had  tarried  in  this  north  side  of  the  river 
the  most  part  of  the  day,  —  which  river  we  have  called 
May,  for  that  we  discovered  the  same  the  first  day  of 
the  month,  —  we  congratulated,  made  alliance,  and 
entered  into  amity  with  them,  and  presented  the  king 
and  his  brethren  with  gowns  of  blue  cloth  garnished 
with  yellow  fleur-de-luces.  And  it  seemed  that  they 


146  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

were  sorry  for  our  departure  ;  so  that  the  most  part  of 
them  entered  into  the  water  up  to  the  neck,  to  set  our 
boats  afloat.  .  .  . 

Soon  after  this  came  thither  the  king  with  his 
brethren,  and  others  with  bows  and  arrows  in  their 
hands,  using  therewithal  a  goodly  and  a  grave  fashion, 
with  their  behavior  right  soldierlike,  and  [of]  as  warlike 
boldness  as  may  be.  They  were  naked  and  painted,  as 
the  other,  their  hair  likewise  long,  and  trussed  up  —  with 
a  lace  made  of  herbs  —  to  the  top  of  their  heads  ;  but 
they  had  neither  their  wives  nor  children  in  their 
company.  After  we  had  a  good  while  lovingly  enter 
tained  and  presented  them  with  like  gifts  of  habersher l 
wares,  cutting-hooks,  and  hatchets,  and  clothed  the 
king  and  his  brethren  with  like  robes  as  we  had  given 
to  them  on  the  other  side,  we  entered  and  viewed 
the  country  thereabouts,  which  is  the  fairest,  fruit- 
fullest,  and  pleasantest  of  all  the  world,  abounding  in 
honey,  venison,  wild  fowl,  forests,  woods  of  all  sorts, 
palm-trees,  cypress,  and  cedars,  bays  the  highest  and 
greatest,  with  also  the  fairest  vines  in  all  the  world, 
with  grapes  according,  which  without  natural  art,  and 
without  man's  help  or  trimming,  will  grow  to  tops  of 
oaks  and  other  trees  that  be  of  a  wonderful  greatness 
and  height.  And  the  sight  of  the  fair  meadows  is  a 
pleasure  not  able  to  be  expressed  with  tongue ;  full  of 
herns,  curlews,  bitterns,  mallards,  egrets,  woodcocks,  and 
all  other  kind  of  small  birds,  with  harts,  hinds,  bucks,  wild 
swine,  and  all  other  kinds  of  wild  beasts,  as  we  perceived 
well,  both  by  their  footing  there,  and  also  afterwards,  in 
other  places,  by  their  cry  and  roaring  in  the  night.  .  .  . 
1  Haberdashery,  or  small  wares. 


JEAN    RIBAUT    IN    FLORIDA.  147 

The  next  day,  in  the  morning,  we  returned  to  land 
again,  accompanied  with  the  captains,  gentlemen,  and 
soldiers,  and  others  of  our  small  troop,  carrying  with 
us  a  pillar  or  column  of  hard  stone,  our  king's  arms 
granted  therein,  to  plant  and  set  the  same  in  the  en 
trance  of  the  port  in  some  high  place,  where  it  might 
be  easily  seen.  And,  being  come  thither  before  the 
Indians  were  assembled,  we  espied,  on  the  south  side  of 
the  river,  a  place  very  fit  for  that  purpose  upon  a  little 
hill,  compassed  with  cypressrbays,  palms,  and  other  trees, 
with  sweet-smelling  and  pleasant  shrubs,  in  the  mid 
dle  whereof  we  planted  the  first  bound  l  or  limit  of  his 
Majesty.  .  .  . 

The  2oth  of  May,  we  planted  another  column  or 
pillar,  graven  with  the  king's  arms,  on  the  south  side,  in 
a  high  place  at  the  entrance  of  a  great  river,  which  we 
called  Libourne,2  where  there  is  a  lake  of  fresh  water 
very  good.  .  .  .  There  we  saw  the  fairest  and  the 
greatest  vines  with  grapes  according,  and  young  trees 
and  small  woods,  very  well  smelling,  that  ever  were 
seen  ;  whereby  it  appeareth  to  be  the  pleasantest  and 
most  commodious  dwelling  of  all  the  world.  Where 
fore,  my  lord,  trusting  you  will  not  think  it  amiss,  con 
sidering  the  commodities  that  may  be  brought  thence, 
if  we  leave  a  number  of  men  there,  which  may  fortify 
and  provide  themselves  of  things  necessary  ;  for,  in  all 
new  discoveries,  it  is  the  chiefest  thing  that  may  be 
done,  at  the  beginning  to  fortify  and  people  the  coun 
try.  I  had  not  so  soon  8  set  this  forth  to  our  company, 
but  many  of  them  offered  to  tarry  there,  yet  with  such 
a  good-will  and  jolly  courage,  that  such  a  number  did 

1  Boundary  stone.       2  Probably  Skull  Creek.       3  i.e,  I  had  hardly. 


148  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

thus  offer  themselves,  that  we  had  much  ado  to  stay 
their  importunity.  And  namely  of  our  shipmates  and 
principal  pilots,  and  such  as  we  could  not  spare.  How- 
beit,  we  left  there  but  to  the  number  of  thirty  in  all, 
gentlemen,  soldiers,  and  mariners,  and  that  at  their  own 
suit  and  prayer,  and  of  their  own  free  wills,  and  by 
the  advice  and  deliberation  of  the  gentlemen  sent  on 
the  behalf  of  the  prince  and  yours. 

And  have  left  unto  the  fore-head  -1  and  rulers,  follow 
ing  therein  your  good-will,  Capt.  Albert  de  la  Pierria, 
a  soldier  of  long  experience,  and  the  first  that  from 
the  beginning  did  offer  to  tarry.  And  further,  by  their 
advice,  choice,  and  will,  installed  them  in  an  island  2 
on  the  north  side,  a  place  of  strong  situation  and  com 
modious,  upon  a  river  which  we  named  Chenonceau, 
and  the  habitation  and  fortress  Charlesfort.  The  next 
day  we  determined  to  depart  from  this  place,  being  as 
well  contented  as  was  possible  that  we  had  so  happily 
ended  our  business,  with  good  hope,  if  occasion  would 
permit,  to  discover  perfectly  the  River  of  Jordan.  For 
this  cause,  we  hoisted  our  sails  about  ten  of  the  clock 
in  the  morning.  After  we  were  ready  to  depart,  Capt. 
Ribaut  commanded  to  shoot  off  our  ordnance  to  give  a 
farewell  to  our  Frenchmen,  which  failed  not  to  do  the 
like  on  their  part.  This  being  done,  we  sailed  toward 
the  north  ;  and  then  we  named  this  river  Port  Royal 
because  of  the  largeness  and  excellent  fairness  of  the 
same. 

[The  remains  of  this  fortress  of  Charlesfort  are  undoubtedly  those 
still  to  be  seen  on  "Old  Fort  Plantation,"  near  Beaufort,  S.C.,  at  the 
junction  of  Beaufort  River  with  Battery  Creek.  The  compiler  of  this 

l  i.e.,  at  the  head.  2  Port  Royal  Island. 


ALONE    IN    THE    NEW    WORLD.  149 

book  was  encamped  on  this  plantation  for  several  months  during  the  civil 
war,  and  visited  the  fortifications  very  frequently.  They  are  built  of  a  kind 
of  concrete  made  with  oyster-shells,  and  called  coquina,  this  being  the  material 
also  employed  in  Spanish  buildings  of  the  same  period  at  St.  Augustine. 
There  is  another  similar  fortification  a  little  farther  up  Beaufort  River.] 


II.  —  ALONE  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD. 

[The  thirty  Frenchmen  left  behind  at  Port  Royal  by  Ribaut  were 
probably  the  first  Europeans  who  deliberately  undertook  to  remain  with 
out  ships  upon  the  Atlantic  shore  of  North  America.  Parkman  says 
of  them,  "Albert  and  his  companions  might  watch  the  receding  ships. 
.  .  .  They  were  alone  in  those  fearful  solitudes.  From  the  north  pole  to 
Mexico  there  was  no  Christian  denizen  but  they."  —  PIONEERS  OF 
FRANCE,  p.  35. 

The  following  is  from  the  narrative  of  their  adventures  written  by 
Laudonniere,  who  afterwards  came  to  search  for  them,  but  did  not  arrive 
till  they  had  gone.] 

OUR  men,  after  our  departure,  never  rested,  but  night 
and  day  did  fortify  themselves,  being  in  good  hope,  that, 
after  their  fort  was  finished,  they  would  begin  to  dis 
cover  farther  up  within  the  river.  It  happened  one  day, 
as  certain  of  them  were  in  cutting  of  roots  in  the 
groves,  that  they  espied,  on  the  sudden,  an  Indian  that 
hunted  the  deer,  which,  finding  himself  so  near  upon 
them,  was  much  dismayed ;  but  our  men  began  to  draw 
near  unto  him,  and  to  use  him  so  courteously,  that  he 
became  assured,  and  followed  them  to  Charlesfort, 
where  every  man  sought  to  do  him  pleasure.  Capt. 
Albert  was  very  joyful  of  his  coming,  which  after  he 
had  given  him  a  shirt,  and  some  other  trifles,  he  asked 
him  of  his  dwelling.  The  Indian  answered  him,  that  it 
was  farther  up  within  the  river,  and  that  he  was  vassal 


150  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

of  King  Audusta  :  he  also  showed  him  with  his  hand 
the  limits  of  his  habitation.  After  much  other  talk, 
the  Indian  desired  leave  to  depart,  because  it  drew  to 
ward  night,  which  Capt.  Albert  granted  him  very  will 
ingly.  .  .  . 

[They  afterward  went  to  a  feast  among  these  Indians.] 

When  the  feast,  therefore,  was  finished,  our  men  re 
turned  unto  Charlesfort,  where  having  remained  but 
a  while,  their  victuals  began  to  wax  short,  which  forced 
them  to  have  recourse  unto  their  neighbors,  and  to 
pray  them  to  succor  them  in  their  necessity,  which 
gave  them  part  of  all  the  victuals  which  they  had,  and 
kept  no  more  unto  themselves  than  would  serve  to  sow 
their  fields.  They  told  them  further,  that,  for  this 
cause,  it  was  needful  for  them  to  retire  themselves  into 
the  woods,  to  live  of  mast 1  and  roots  until  the  time  of 
harvest,  being  as  sorry  as  might  be  that  they  were  not 
able  further  to  aid  them.  They  gave  them,  also,  coun 
sel  to  go  towards  the  country  of  King  Couexis,  a  man 
of  might  and  renown  in  this  province,  which  maketh 
his  abode  toward  the  South,  abounding  at  all  seasons, 
and  replenished  with  such  quantity  of  mill,2  corn,  and 
beans,  that  by  his  only  succor  they  might  be  able  to 
live  a  very  long  time.  But,  before  they  should  come 
into  his  territories,  they  were  able  to  repair  unto  a  king, 
called  Ouade,  the  brother  of  Couexis,  which  in  mill, 
beans,  and  corn,  was  no  less  wealthy,  and  withal  very 
liberal,  and  would  be  very  joyful  if  he  might  but  once 
see  them. 

1  Acorns  and  other  dried  fruits. 

2  It  is  uncertain  what  kind  of  grain  is  here  meant. 


ALONE    IN    THE    NEW    WORLD.  151 

Our  men,  perceiving  the  good  relation  which  the 
Indians  made  them  of  those  two  kings,  resolved  to  go 
thither ;  for  they  felt  already  the  necessity  which  op 
pressed  them.  Therefore  they  made  request  unto  King 
Maccou,  that  it  would  please  him  to  give  them  one  of 
his  subjects  to  guide  them  the  right  way  thither :  where 
upon  he  condescended  very  willingly,  knowing,  that, 
without  his  favor,  they  should  have  much  ado  to  bring 
their  enterprise  to  pass.  .  .  . 

Behold,  therefore,  how  our  men  behaved  themselves 
very  well  hitherto,  although  they  had  endured  many 
great  mishaps.  But  misfortune,  or,  rather,  the  just 
judgment  of  God,  would  have  it,  that  those  which  could 
not  be  overcome  by  fire  nor  water  should  be  undone  by 
their  own  selves.  .  .  . 

They  entered,  therefore,  into  partialities  and  dissen 
sions,  which  began  about  a  soldier  named  Guernache, 
which  was  a  drummer  of  the  French  bands,  which,  as 
it  was  told  me,  was  very  cruelly  hanged  by  his  own 
captain,1  and  for  a  small  fault ;  which  captain  also 
using  to  threaten  the  rest  of  his  soldiers  which  staid 
behind  under  his  obedience,  and  peradventure,  as  it  is 
to  be  presumed,  were  not  so  obedient  to  him  as  they 
should  have  been,  was  the  cause  that  they  fell  into  a 
mutiny,  because  that  many  times  he  put  his  threatenings 
in  execution,  whereupon  they  so  chased  him,  that  at 
the  last  they  put  him  to  death.  And  the  principal 
occasion  that  moved  them  thereunto  was  because  he 
degraded  another  soldier  named  La  Chere,  which  he 
had  banished,  and  because  he  had  not  performed  his 
promise ;  for  he  had  promised  to  send  him  victuals 

1  Captain  Albert. 


152  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

from  eight  days  to  eight  days,1  which  thing  he  did  not, 
but  said,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  would  be  glad  to  hear 
of  his  death.  He  said,  moreover,  that  he  would  chas 
tise  others  also,  and  used  so  evil  sounding  speeches, 
that  honesty 2  forbiddeth  me  to  repeat  them. 

The  soldiers,  seeing  his  madness  to  increase  from 
day  to  day,  and  fearing  to  fall  into  the  dangers  of  the 
other,  resolved  to  kill  him.  Having  executed  their  pur 
pose,  they  went  to  seek  the  soldier  that  was  banished, 
which  was  in  a  small  island  distant  from  Charlesfort 
about  three  leagues,  where  they  found  him  almost  half 
dead  for  hunger.  When  they  were  come  home  again, 
they  assembled  themselves  together  to  choose  one  to 
be  governor  over  them,  whose  name  was  Nicolas  Barre, 
a  man  worthy  of  commendation,  and  one  which  knew 
so  well  to  quit  himself  of  his  charge,  that  all  rancor 
and  dissension  ceased  among  them,  and  they  lived 
peaceably  one  with  another. 

During  this  time  they  began  to  build  a  small  pinnace, 
with  hope  to  return  into  France,  if  no  succor  came 
unto  them,  as  they  expected  from  day  to  day.  And 
though  there  were  no  man  among  them  that  had  any 
skill,  notwithstanding,  necessity,  which  is  the  mistress 
of  all  sciences,  taught  them  the  way  to  build  it.  After 
that  it  was  finished,  they  thought  of  nothing  else,  save 
how  to  furnish  it  with  all  things  necessary  to  undertake 
the  voyage.  But  they  wanted  those  things  that  of  all 
other  were  most  needful,  as  cordage  and  sails,  without 
which  the  enterprise  could  not  come  to  effect.  Having 
no  means  to  recover  these  things,  they  were  in  worse 
case  than  at  the  first,  and  almost  ready  to  fall  into 

1  i.e.,  from  week  to  week.  2  Propriety. 


ALONE    IN    THE    NEW    WORLD.  153 

despair  ;  but  that  good  God,  which  never  forsaketh  the 
afflicted,  did  succor  them  in  their  necessity. 

As  they  were  in  these  perplexities,  King  Audusta 
and  Maccou  came  to  them,  accompanied  with  two  hun 
dred  Indians,  at  the  least,  whom  our  Frenchmen  went 
forth  to  meet  withal,  and  showed  the  king  in  what  need 
of  cordage  they  stood  ;  who  promised  them  to  return 
within  two  days,  and  to  bring  so  much  as  should  suffice 
to  furnish  the  pinnace  with  tackling.  Our  men,  being 
pleased  with  these  good  news  and  promises,  bestowed 
upon  them  certain  cutting-hooks  and  shirts.  After 
their  departure,  our  men  sought  all  means  to  recover 
resin  in  the  woods,  wherein  they  cut  the  pine-trees 
round  about,  out  of  which  they  drew  sufficient  reason 
able  quantity  to  bray  l  the  vessel.  Also  they  gathered 
a  kind  of  moss  which  groweth  on  the  trees  of  this 
country,  to  serve  to  calk  the  same  withal. 

There  now  wanted  nothing  but  sails,  which  they  made 
of  their  own  shirts  and  of  their  sheets.  Within  few 
days  after,  the  Indian  kings  returned  to  Charlesfort 
with  so  good  store  of  cordage,  that  there  was  found 
sufficient  for  tackling  of  the  small  pinnace.  Our  men, 
as  glad  as  might  be,  used  great  liberality  towards  them, 
and,  at  their  leaving  of  the  country,  left  them  all  the 
merchandise  that  remained,  leaving  them  thereby  so 
fully  satisfied,  that  they  departed  from  them  with  all 
the  contentation2  of  the  world.  They  went  forward, 
therefore,  to  finish  the  brigantine,  and  used  so  speedy 
diligence,  that,  within  a  short  time  afterward,  they  made 
it  ready  furnished  with  all  things.  In  the  mean  season 
the  wind  came  so  fit  for  their  purpose,  that  it  seemed 

l  Tar.  2  Content. 


154  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

to  invite  them  to  put  to  the  sea  ;  which  they  did  with 
out  delay,  after  they  had  set  all  their  things  in  order. 

But,  before  they  departed,  they  embarked  their  artil 
lery,  their  forge,  and  other  munitions  of  war  which 
Capt.  Ribaut  had  left  them,  and  then  as  much  mill  as 
they  could  gather  together.  But  being  drunken  with 
the  too  excessive  joy  which  they  had  conceived  for  their 
returning  into  France,  or,  rather,  deprived  of  all  fore 
sight  and  consideration,  without  regarding  the  incon 
stancy  of  the  winds,  which  change  in  a  moment,  they 
put  themselves  to  sea,  and  with  so  slender  victuals,  that 
the  end  of  their  enterprise  became  unlucky  and  unfor 
tunate. 

For,  after  they  had  sailed  the  third  part  of  their 
way,  they  were  surprised  with  calms,  which  did  so  much 
hinder  them,  that  in  three  weeks  they  sailed  not  above 
five  and  twenty  leagues.  During  this  time,  their  victuals 
consumed,  and  became  so  short,  that  every  man  was 
constrained  to  eat  not  past  twelve  grains  of  mill  by 
the  day,  which  may  be  in  value  as  much  as  twelve 
peas.  Yea,  and  this  felicity  lasted  not  long ;  for 
their  victuals  failed  them  altogether  at  once,  and  they 
had  nothing  for  their  more  assured  refuge,  but  their 
shoes  and  leather  jerkins,  which  they  did  eat.  .  .  . 

Beside  this  extreme  famine,  which  did  so  grievously 
oppress  them,  they  fell  every  minute  of  an  hour  out  of 
all  hope  ever  to  see  France  again,  insomuch  that  they 
were  constrained  to  cast  the  water  continually  out,  that 
on  all  sides  entered  into  their  bark.  And  every  day 
they  fared  worse  and  worse  ;  for,  after  they  had  eaten 
up  their  shoes  and  leather  jerkins,  there  arose  so  bois 
terous  a  wind,  and  so  contrary  to  their  course,  that,  in 


ALONE    IN    THE    NEW    WORLD.  155 

the  turning  of  a  hand,  the  waves  filled  their  vessel  half 
full  of  water,  and  bruised  it  upon  the  one  side.  Being 
now  more  out  of  hope  than  ever  to  escape  out  of  this 
extreme  peril,  they  cared  not  for  casting  out  of  the 
water,  which  now  was  almost  ready  to  drown  them. 
And,  as  men  resolved  to  die,  every  one  fell  down  back 
ward,  and  gave  themselves  over  altogether  unto  the  will 
of  the  waves.  When  as  one  of  them,  a  little  having 
taken  heart  unto  him,  declared  unto  them  how  little 
way  they  had  to  sail,  assuring  them,  that,  if  the  wind 
held,  they  should  see  land  within  three  days,  this 
man  did  so  encourage  them,  that,  after  they  had  thrown 
the  water  out  of  the  pinnace,  they  remained  three  days 
without  eating  or  drinking,  except  it  were  of  the  sea- 
water.  When  the  time  of  his  promise  was  expired,  they 
were  more  troubled  than  they  were  before,  seeing  they 
could  not  descry  any  land.  .  .  . 

After  so  long  and  tedious  travels,  God,  of  his  good 
ness,  using  his  accustomed  favor,  changed  their  sorrow 
into  joy,  and  showed  unto  them  the  sight  of  land. 
WThereof  they  were  so  exceeding  glad,  that  the  pleasure 
caused  them  to  remain  a  long  time  as  men  without 
sense  ;  whereby  they  let  the  pinnace  float  this  and  that 
way,  without  holding  any  right  way  or  course.  But  a 
small  English  bark  boarded  the  vessel,  in  the  which 
there  was  a  Frenchman  which  had  been  in  the  first 
voyage  into  Florida,  who  easily  knew  them,  and  spake 
unto  them,  and  afterward  gave  them  meat  and  drink. 
Incontinently  they  recovered  their  natural  courages,  and 
declared  unto  him  at  large  all  their  navigation.  The 
Englishmen  consulted  a  long  time  what  were  best  to 
be  done  ;  and  in  fine  they  resolved  to  put  on  land  those 


1^6  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

that  were  most  feeble,  and  to  carry  the  rest  unto  the 
Queen  of  England,  which  purposed  at  that  time  to  send 
into  Florida. 

[They  finally  reached  England,  having  doubtless  made  the  first  voyage 
across  the  Atlantic  ever  accomplished  in  an  American-built  vessel.] 


III.  —  LAUDONNIERE'S  SEARCH  FOR  THE  COLONISTS. 

[Laudonniere  sailed  with  three  ships,  April  22,  1564,  on  an  expedition 
in  search  of  the  men  whom  Ribaut  had  left  at  Port  Royal  nearly  two 
years  before.  He  reached  the  St.  John's  River  a  little  more  than  two 
months  later.] 

The  second  voyage  into  Florida,  made  and  written 
by  Capt.  Laudonniere,  which  fortified  and  inhabited 
there  two  summers  and  one  whole  winter.  .  .  . 

THE  next  day,  the  23d  of  this  month,1  —  because 
that  toward  the  south  I  had  not  found  any  commodious 
place  for  us  to  inhabit,  and  to  build  a  fort,  —  I  gave 
commandment  to  weigh  anchor,  and  to  hoist  our  sails 
to  sail  toward  the  River  of  May,2  where  we  arrived  two 
days  after,  and  cast  anchor.  Afterward  going  on  land 
with  some  number  of  gentlemen  and  soldiers,  to  know 
for  a  certainty  the  singularities  of  this  place,  we  espied 
the paracoussey*  of  the  country,  which  came  towards  us, 
—  this  was  the  very  same  that  we  saw  in  the  voyage  of 
Capt.  John  Ribaut.  Which,  having  espied  us,  cried 
very  far  off,  "Antipola,  antipola!"  And,  being  so  joyful 
that  he  could  not  contain  Jiimself,  he  came  to  meet  us, 
accompanied  with  two  of  his  sons,  as  fair  and  mighty 
i  June,  2  St.  John's  River.  3  Chief. 


LAUDONNIERE'S    SEARCH    FOR    THE    COLONISTS.       157 

persons  as  might  be  found  in  all  the  world,  which  had 
nothing  in  their  mouths  but  this  word,  "Ami,  ami;" 
that  is  to  say,  "  Friend,  friend  !  "  Yea ;  and,  knowing 
those  which  were  there  in  the  first  voyage,  they  went 
principally  to  them  to  use  this  speech  unto  them. 
There  was  in  their  train  a  great  number  of  men  and 
women,  which  still  made  very  much  of  us,  and  by 
evident  signs  matfe  us  understand  how  glad  they  were 
of  our  arrival.  This  good  entertainment  passed,  the 
paracousscy  prayed  me  to  go  see  the  pillar  which  we 
had  erected  in  the  voyage  of  John  Ribaut  —  as  we  have 
declared  heretofore  —  as  a  thing  which  they  made  great 
account  of. 

Having  yielded  unto  him,  and  being  come  to  the 
place  where  it  was  set  up,  we  found  the  same  crowned 
with  crowns  of  bay,  and  at  the  foot  thereof  many 
little  baskets  full  of  mill,1  which  they  call  in  their 
language  tapaga  tapola.  Then,  when  they  came  thither, 
they  kissed  the  same  with  great  reverence,  and  be 
sought  us  to  do  the  like,  which  we  would  not  deny 
them,  to  the  end  we  might  draw  them  to  be  more  in 
friendship  with  us.  This  done,  the  paracoussey  took 
me  by  the  hand,  as  if  he  had  desire  to  make  me  under 
stand  some  great  secret,  and  by  signs  showed  me  very 
well  up  within  the  river  the  limits  of  his  dominion,  and 
said  that  he  was  called  Paracoussey  Satouriona,  which 
is  as  much  as  King  Satouriona.  His  children  have  the 
selfsame  title  of  paracoussey.  The  eldest  is  named 
Athore,  —  a  man,  I  dare  say,  perfect  in  wisdom,  beauty, 
and  honest  sobriety ;  showing  by  his  modest  gravity 
that  he  deserveth  the  name  which  he  beareth,  besides 

1  Grain  of  some  kind. 


158  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

that  he  is  gentle  and  tractable.  After  we  had  so 
journed  a  certain  space  with  them,  the  paracoussey 
prayed  one  of  his  sons  to  present  unto  me  a  wedge  of 
silver,  which  he  did,  and  that  with  a  good  will ;  in 
recompense  whereof  I  gave  him  a  cutting-hook  ai  d 
some  other  better  present,  wherewith  he  seemed  to  be 
very  well  pleased.  Afterward  we  took  our  leave  of 
them,  because  the  night  approached,  and  then  returned 
to  lodge  in  our  ships. 

Being  allured  with  this  good  entertainment,  I  failed 
not  the  next  day  to  embark  myself  again  with  my 
lieutenant,  Ottigny,  and  a  number  of  soldiers,  to  return 
toward  the  paracoussey  of  the  River  of  May,  which  of 
purpose  waited  for  us  in  the  same  place  where,  the  day 
before,  we  conferred  with  him.  We  found  him  under 
the  shadow  of  an  arbor,  accompanied  with  fourscore 
Indians  at  the  least,  and  apparelled  at  that  time  after 
the  Indian  fashion  ;  to  wit,  with  a  great  hart's  skin 
dressed  like  chamois,  and  painted  with  devices  of 
strange  and  divers  colors,  but  of  so  lively  a  portraiture, 
and  representing  antiquity  with  rules  so  justly  com 
passed,  that  there  is  no  painter  so  exquisite  that  could 
find  fault  therewith.  The  natural  disposition  of  this 
strange  people  is  so  perfect  and  well  guided,  that, 
without  any  aid  and  favor  of  arts,  they  are  able,  by 
the  help  of  Nature  only,  to  content  the  artisans,1  yea, 
even  of  those  which  by  their  industry  are  able  to  aspire 
unto  things  most  absolute. 

Then  I  advertised  Paracoussey  Satouriona  that  my 
desire  was  to  discover  farther  up  into  the  river,  but 
that  it  should  be  with  such  diligence  that  I  would  come 

1  i.e.,  to  satisfy  skilful  workmen. 


CAPTURE    OF    FORT    CAROLINE    BY    SPANIARDS.       159 

again  unto  him  very  speedily  ;  wherewith  he  was  content, 
promising  to  stay  for  me  in  the  place  where  he  was  ; 
and,  for  an  earnest  of  his  promise,  he  offered  me  his 
goodly  skin,  which  I  refused  then,  and  promised  to 
receive  it  of  him  at  my  return.  For  my  part,  I  gave 
him  certain  small  trifles,  to  the  intent  to  retain  him  in 
our  friendship.  • 

IV.  —  THE  CAPTURE  OF  FORT  CAROLINE  BY  THE 
SPANIARDS. 

[Laudonniere  built  a  fort  on  the  St.  John's  River,  just  above  St.  John's 
Bluff,  and  named  it  Fort  Caroline,  but  partly  destroyed  it,  meaning  to 
build  vessels  with  the  materials.  Don  Pedro  Menendez  came  to  the 
Florida  coast  with  a  Spanish  fleet,  and  founded  the  town  of  St.  Augus 
tine.  Ribaut  took  most  of  Laudonniere's  soldiers,  with  his  ships,  and 
went  to  attack  the  ships  of  Menendez.  Meanwhile  the  Spaniards  marched 
by  land,  five  hundred  in  number,  through  swamps  and  across  streams, 
guided  by  a  French  deserter,  to  attack  the  fort.  Laudonniere  thus 
describes  what  took  place  after  Ribaut's  departure.] 

THE  very  day  that  he  departed,  which  was  the  loth 
of  September,1  there  rose  so  great  a  tempest,  accompa 
nied  with  such  storms,  that  the  Indians  themselves 
assured  me  that  it  was  the  worst  weather  that  ever  was 
seen  on  the  coast.  Whereupon,  two  or  three  days 
after,  fearing  lest  our  ships  might  be  in  some  distress,  I 
sent  for  Monsieur  Du  Lys  unto  me,  to  take  order  to 
assemble  the  rest  of  our  people  to  declare  unto  them 
what  need  we  had  to  fortify  ourselves  ;  which  was  done 
accordingly.  And  then  I  gave  them  to  understand  the 
necessity  and  inconvenience  whereinto  we  were  like 
to  fall,  as  well  by  the  absence  of  our  ships,  as  by  the 
i  1565. 


l6o  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

nearness  of  the  Spaniards,  at  whose  hands  we  could 
look  for  no  less  than  an  open  and  sufficient  proclaimed 
war,  seeing  they  had  taken  land,  and  fortified  them 
selves  so  near  unto  us.  And,  if  any  misfortune  were 
fallen  unto  our  men  which  were  at  sea,  we  ought  to 
make  full  account  with  ourselves  that  we  were  to 
endure  many  great  miseries,  being  in  so  small  number, 
and  so  many  ways  afflicted  as  we  were. 


FORT    CAROLINE. 


Thus  every  one  promised  me  to  take  pains ;  and 
therefore,  considering  that  their  proportion  of  victuals 
was  small,  and  that,  so  continuing,  they  would  not  be 
able  to  do  any  great  work,  I  augmented  their  allow 
ance  ;  although  that  after  the  arrival  of  Captain  Ri- 
baut  my  portion  of  victuals  was  allotted  unto  me  as 
unto  a  common  soldier,  neither  was  I  able  to  give  so 
much  as  a  part  of  a  bottle  of  wine  to  any  man  which 
deserved  it.  For  I  was  so  far  from  having  means  to 
do  so,  that  the  captain  himself  took  two  of  my  boats 
wherein  the  rest  of  the  meal  was,  which  was  left  me 
of  the  biscuits  which  I  caused  to  be  made  to  return 


CAPTURE    OF    FORT    CAROLINE    BY    SPANIARDS.      l6l 

into  France.  So  that,  if  I  should  say  that  I  received 
more  favor  at  the  hands  of  the  Englishmen1  being 
strangers  unto  me,  I  should  say  but  a  truth.  We 
began,  therefore,  to  fortify  ourselves,  and  to  repair  that 
which  was  broken  down,  principally  toward  the  water 
side,  where  I  caused  threescore  foot  of  trees  to  be 
planted,  to  repair  the  palisade  with  the  planks  which 
I  caused  to  be  taken  of  the  ship  which  I  had  builded. 
Nevertheless,  notwithstanding  all  our  diligence  and 
travail,  we  were  never  able  fully  to  repair  it,  by  reason 
of  the  storms,  which  commonly  did  us  so  great  annoy, 
that  we  could  not  finish  our  enclosure. 

Perceiving  myself  in  such  extremity,  I  took  a  muster 
of  the  men  which  Captain  Ribaut  had  left  me,  to  see 
if  there  were  any  that  wanted  weapon.  I  found  nine 
or  ten  of  them,  whereof  not  past  two  or  three  had 
ever  drawn  sword  out  of  a  scabbard,  as  I  think.  Let 
them  which  have  been  bold  to  say  that  I  had  men 
enough  left  me,  so  that  I  had  means  to  defend  myself, 
give  ear  a  little  now  unto  me,  and,  if  they  have  eyes 
in  their  heads,  let  them  see  what  men  I  had.  Of  the 
nine,  there  were  four  but  young  striplings,  which  served 
Captain  Ribaut,  and  kept  his  dogs  :  the  fifth  was  a 
cook.  Among  those  that  were  without  the  fort,  and 
which  were  of  the  foresaid  company  of  Captain  Ri 
baut,  there  was  a  carpenter  of  threescore  years  old, 
one  a  beer-brewer,  one  old  crossbow-maker,  two  shoe 
makers,  and  four  or  five  men  that  had  their  wives,  a 
player  on  the  virginals,2  two  servants  of  Monsieur  Du 
Lys,  one  of  Monsieur  De  Beauhaire,  one  of  Monsieur 

1  Captain  John  Hawkins,  who  had  lately  supplied  the  garrison  with 
food.  2  A  musical  instrument. 


162  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

De  la  Grange ;  and  about  fourscore  and  five  or  six  in 
all,  counting  as  well  lackeys  as  women  and  children. 

Behold  the  goodly  troop  so  sufficient  to  defend  them 
selves,  and  so  courageous  as  they  have  esteemed  them 
to  be  !  And,  for  my  part,  I  leave  it  to  others'  con 
sideration  to  imagine  whether  Captain  Ribaut  would 
have  left  them  with  me  to  have  borrowed  my  men,  if 
they  had  been  such.  Those  that  were  left  me  of  mine 
own  company  were  about  sixteen  or  seventeen  that 
could  bear  arms,  and  all  of  them  poor  and  lean :  the 
rest  were  sick  and  maimed  in  the  conflict  which  my 
lieutenant  had  against  Utina. 

This  view  being  thus  taken,  we  set  our  watches, 
whereof  we  made  two  sentinels,  that  the  soldiers  might 
have  one  night  free.  Then  we  bethought  ourselves  of 
those  which  might  be  most  sufficient,  among  whom  we 
chose  two,  one  of  whom  was  named  Monsieur  Saint 
Cler,  and  the  other  Monsieur  De  la  Vigne,  to  whom  we 
delivered  candles  and  lanterns  to  go  round  about  the 
fort  to  view  the  watch,  because  of  the  foul  and  foggy 
weather.  I  delivered  them  also  a  sand-glass  or  clock,1 
that  the  sentinels  might  not  be  troubled  more  one  than 
another.  In  the  mean  while,  I  ceased  not,  for  all  the 
foul  weather,  nor  my  sickness  which  I  had,  to  oversee 
the  corps  de  garde? 

The  night  between  the  igth  and  2oth  of  September, 
La  Vigne  kept  watch  with  his  company,  wherein  he 
used  all  endeavor,  although  it  rained  without  ceasing. 
When  the  day  was  therefore  come,  and  that  he  saw 
that  it  rained  still  worse  than  it  did  before,  he  pitied  the 
sentinels,  so  too  [much]  moyled  8  and  wet.  And,  think- 

1  Hour-glass.  2  Guard.  3  Muddied. 


CAPTURE  OF  FORT  CAROLINE  BY  SPANIARDS.   163 

ing  the  Spaniards  would  not  have  come  in  such  a 
strange  time,  he  let  them  depart,  and,  to  say  the  truth, 
he  himself  went  unto  his  lodging. 

In  the  mean  while,  one  which  had  something  to  do 
without  the  fort,  and  my  trumpet,1  which  went  up  unto 
the  rampart,  perceived  a  troop  of  Spaniards  which 
came  down  from  a  little  knappe,2  where  incontinently 
they  began  to  cry  alarm,  and  the  trumpeter  also ;  which 
as  soon  as  ever  I  understood,  forthwith  I  issued  out, 
with  my  target  and  sword  in  my  hand,  and  gat  me  in 
the  midst  of  the  court,  where  I  began  to  cry  upon  my 
soldiers. 

Some  of  them,  which  were  of  the  forward  sort,  went 
toward  the  breach,  which  was  on  the  south  side,  and 
where  the  munitions  of  the  artillery  lay,  where  they 
were  repulsed  and  slain.  By  the  selfsame  place  two 
ensigns  8  entered,  which  immediately  were  planted,  on 
the  walls.  Two  other  ensigns  also  entered  on  the 
other  side  toward  the  west,  where  there  was  another 
breach ;  and  those  which  were  lodged  in  this  quarter, 
and  which  showed  themselves,  were  likewise  defeated. 
As  I  went  to  succor  them  which  were  defending  the 
breach  on  the  south-west  side,  I  encountered,  by 
chance,  a  great  company  of  Spaniards,  which  had 
already  repulsed  our  men,  and  were  now  entered, 
which  drove  me  back  unto  the  court  of  the  fort.  Being 
there,  I  espied  with  them  one  called  Francis  Jean, 
which  was  one  of  the  mariners  which  stole  away  my 
barks,  and  had  guided  and  conducted  the  Spaniards 
thither.  As  soon  as  he  saw  me,  he  began  to  say, 
"  This  is  the  captain." 

1  Trumpeter.  2  Knob  or  hill.  3  Flags. 


164 


THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 


This  troop  was  led  by  a  captain,  whose  name,  as  I 
think,  was  Don  Pedro  Menendez.  These  made  certain 
pushes  at  me  with  their  pikes,  which  lighted  on  my 
target.  But  perceiving  that  I  was  not  able  to  withstand 
so  great  a  company,  and  that  the  court  was  already 
won,  and  their  ensigns  planted  on  the  ramparts,  and 
that  I  had  never  a  man  about  me,  saving  one  only, 
whose  name  was  Bartholomew,  I  entered  into  the  yard 
of  my  lodging,  into  which  they 
followed  me  ;  and,  had  it  not 
been  for  a  tent  that  was  set  up, 
I  had  been  taken.  But  the 
Spaniards  which  followed  me 
were  occupied  in  cutting  off 
the  cords  of  the  tent;  and,  in 
the  mean  while,  I  saved  my 
self  by  the  breach  which  was 
on  the  west  side,  near  unto 
my  lieutenant's  lodging,  and 
got  away  into  the  woods,  where 
I  found  certain  of  my  men  which  had  escaped,  of  which 
number  there  were  three  or  four  which  were  sore  hurt. 

Then  spake  I  thus  unto  them,  "  Sirs,  since  it  hath 
pleased  God  that  this  mischance  is  happened  unto  us, 
we  must  needs  take  the  pains  to  get  over  the  marshes 
unto  the  ships,  which  are  at  the  mouth  of  the  river." 
Some  would  needs  go  to  a  little  village  which  was  in 
the  woods :  the  rest  followed  me  through  the  reeds  in 
the  water  ;  where,  being  able  to  go  no  farther,  by  reason 
of  my  sickness  which  I  had,  I  sent  two  of  my  men 
which  were  with  me,  which  could  swim  well,  unto  the 
ships,  to  advertise  them  of  that  which  had  .happened, 


MENENDEZ. 


CAPTURE    OF    FORT    CAROLINE    BY    SPANIARDS.      165 

and  to  send  them  word  to  come  and  help  me.  They 
were  not  able  that  day  to  get  unto  the  ships  to  certify 
them  thereof :  so  I  was  constrained  to  stand  in  the 
water  up  to  my  shoulders  all  that  night  long,  with  one 
of  my  men  which  would  never  forsake  me. 

The  next  day  morning,  being  scarcely  able  to  draw 
my  breath  any  more,  I  betook  me  to  my  prayers,  with 
the  soldier  which  was  with  me,  whose  name  was  John 
du  Chemin  ;  for  I  felt  myself  so  feeble,  that  I  was 
afraid  I  should  die  suddenly.  And  in  truth,  if  he  had 
not  embraced  me  in  both  his  arms,  and  so  held  me  up, 
it  had  not  been  possible  to  save  me.  After  we  had 
made  an  end  of  our  prayers,  I  heard  a  voice,  which,  in 
my  judgment,  was  one  of  theirs  which  I  had  sent, 
which  were  over  against  the  ships,  and  called  for  the 
ship-boat ;  which  was  so  indeed.  And  because  those  of 
the  ships  had  understanding  of  the  taking  of  the  fort 
by  one  called  John  de  Hais,  master  carpenter,  which 
fled  unto  them  in  a  shallop,  they  had  set  sail  to  run 
along  the  coast,  to  see  if  they  might  save  any  :  wherein, 
doubtless,  they  did  very  well  their  endeavor.  They 
went  straight  to  the  place  where  the  two  men  were 
which  I  had  sent,  and  which  called  them. 

As  soon  as  they  had  received  them  in,  and  under 
stood  where  I  was,  they  came  and  found  me  in  a  pitiful 
case.  Five  or  six  of  them  took  me,  and  carried  me 
into  the  shallop  ;  for  I  was  not  able  by  any  means  to 
go  on  foot.  After  I  was  brought  into  the  shallop,  some 
of  the  mariners  took  their  clothes  from  their  backs  to 
lend  them  me,  and  would  have  carried  me  presently  to 
their  ships  to  give  me  a  little  aqua  vitae}  Howbeit  I 

1  Brandy. 


l66  THE    FRENCH    IN    FLORIDA. 

would  not  go  thither  until  I  had  first  gone  with  the 
boat  along  the  reeds  to  seek  out  the  poor  souls  which 
were  scattered  abroad,  where  we  gathered  up  eighteen 
or  twenty  of  them.  The  last  that  I  took  in  was  the 
nephew  of  the  treasurer,  Le  Beau.  After  we  were  all 
come  to  the  ships,  I  comforted  them  as  well  as  I  could, 
and  sent  back  the  boat  again  with  speed,  to  see  if  they 
could  find  yet  any  more. 

For  mine  own  part,  I  will  not  accuse  nor  excuse  any: 
it  sufficeth  me  to  have  followed  the  truth  of  the  history, 
whereof  many  are  able  to  bear  witness  which  were  there 
present.  I  will  plainly  say  one  thing,  that  the  long 
delay  that  Captain  John  Ribaut  used  in  his  embarking, 
and  the  fifteen  days  that  he  spent  in  roving  along  the 
coast  of  Florida  before  he  came  to  our  Fort  Caroline, 
were  the  cause  of  the  loss  that  we  sustained.  For  he 
discerned  the  coast  the  i5th  of  August,  and  spent  the 
time  in  going  from  river  to  river,  which  had  been  suf 
ficient  for  him  to  have  discharged  his  ships  in,  and  for 
me  to  have  embarked  myself,  to  return  into  France.  .  .  . 

He  was  no  sooner  departed  from  us  than  a  tempest 
took  him,  which,  in  fine,  wrecked  him  upon  the  coast, 
where  all  his  ships  were  cast  away,  and  he  with  much 
ado  escaped  drowning,  to  fall  into  their  hands,  which 
cruelly  massacred  him  and  all  his  company. 

[The  fate  of  Ribaut  at  the  hands  of  Menendez,  and  the  terrible 
vengeance  taken  on  the  Spaniards  by  another  Frenchman,  Dominic  de 
Gourgues,  may  be  found  described  in  Parkman's  interesting  book, 
"  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World."] 


BOOK   VIII. 

SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT. 

(A.D.    1583.) 


Eastward  from  Campobello 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  sailed: 
Three  days  or  more  seaward  he  bore, 

Then,  alas  !  the  land-wind  failed. 

Alas  !  the  land-wind  failed, 

And  ice-cold  grew  the  night ; 
And  nevermore,  on  sea  or  shore, 

Should  Sir  Humphrey  see  the  light. 

He  sat  upon  the  deck, 

The  Book  was  in  his  hand : 
"  Do  not  fear  !   Heaven  is  as  near," 

He  said,  "  by  water  as  by  land !  " 

In  the  first  watch  of  the  night, 

Without  a  signal's  sound, 
Out  of  the  sea,  mysteriously, 

The  fleet  of  Death  rose  all  around. 

The  moon  and  the  evening  star 

Were  hanging  in  the  shrouds ; 
Every  mast,  as  it  passed, 

Seemed  to  rake  the  passing  clouds. 

They  grappled  with  their  prize, 

At  midnight  black  and  cold  : 
As  of  a  rock  was  the  shock  ; 

Heavily  the  ground-swell  rolled. 

LONGFELLOW. 


SIR   HUMPHREY   GILBERT. 


THE  DEATH  OF  SIR  HUMPHREY  GILBERT. 

[Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  sailed  from  England  for  Newfoundland  with  a 
fleet  of  five  vessels.  The  largest  of  these  (two  hundred  tons),  fitted  out 
by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  soon  returned  to  England ;  the  next  in  size  was 
lost ;  and  the  three  others  were  the  "  Golden  Hind,"  forty  tons ;  the 
"Swallow,"  of  the  same  size;  and  the  "Squirrel,"  of  only  ten  tons, — 
merely  a  sail-boat.  The  loss  of  their  largest  vessel,  or  "admiral,"  dis 
couraged  the  crews  very  much  ;  and  they  finally  insisted  on  returning,  as 
appears  in  the  narrative  which  follows.  The  original  account  is  in  Hak- 
luyt's  Voyages  (edition  of  1810),  vol.  iii.  p.  199.] 

OUR  people  lost  courage  daily  after  this  ill-success, 
the  weather  continuing  thick  and  blustering,  with 
increase  of  cold,  winter  drawing  on,  which  took  from 
them  all  hope  of  amendment,  settling  an  assurance  of 
worse  weather  to  grow  upon  us  every  day.  The  lee-side l 
of  us  lay  full  of  flats  and  dangers  inevitable,  if  the  wind 
blew  hard  at  south.  Some,  again,  doubted2  we  were 
ingulfed  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence,  the  coast  full  of 
dangers,  and  unto  us  unknown.  But,  above  all,  pro 
vision  waxed  scant,  and  hope  of  supply  was  gone  with 
loss  of  our  admiral.3 

1  i.e.,  the  north  side,  if  the  wind  was  south. 

2  Suspected.  3  The  "  Delight,"  the  flag-ship. 

169 


170  SIR    HUMPHREY    GILBERT. 

Those  in  the  frigate l  were  already  pinched  with  spare 
allowance,  and  want  of  clothes  chiefly.  Whereupon  they 
besought  the  general 2  to  return  for  England  before  they 
all  perished.  And  to  them  of  the  "Golden  Hind" 
they  made  signs  of  their  distress,  pointing  to  their 
mouths,  and  to  their  clothes  thin  and  ragged.  Then 
immediately  they  also  of  the  "  Golden  Hind  "  grew  to 
be  of  the  same  opinion,  and  desire  to  return  home. 

The  former  reasons  having  also  moved  the  general 
to  have  compassion  of  his  poor  men,  in  whom  he  saw  no 
want  of  good-will,  but  of  means  fit  to  perform  the  action 
they  came  for,  [he]  resolved  upon  retire;8  and,  calling 
the  captain  and  master  of  the  "  Hind,"  he  yielded  them 
many  reasons  enforcing  this  unexpected  return,  withal 
protesting  himself  greatly  satisfied  with  that  he  had 
seen  and  knew  already. 

Reiterating  these  words,  "  Be  content :  we  have  seen 
enough,  and  take  no  care  of  expense  past.  I  will  set 
you  forth  royally  the  next  spring,  if  God  send  us  safe 
home.  Therefore,  I  pray  you,  let  us  no  longer  strive 
here,  where  we  fight  against  the  elements."  .  .  . 

How  unwillingly  the  captain  and  master  of  the 
"Hind"  conceded  to  this  motion,  his  own  company 
can  testify ;  yet  comforted  with  the  general's  promise 
of  a  speedy  return  at  spring,  and  induced  by  other 
apparent  reasons  proving  an  impossibility  to  accom 
plish  the  action  at  that  time,  it  was  concluded  on  all 
hands  to  retire. 

1  The  "Squirrel."     The  name  "frigate"  was  first  given  to  a  kind  of 
boat  still  used  in  the  Mediterranean,  propelled  by  both  sails  and  oars.    It 
was  afterwards  given  to  a  war  vessel,  built  also  for  speed. 

2  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert.  3  i.e.,  to  retire. 


DEATH    OF    SIR    HUMPHREY   GILBERT.  171 

So,  upon  Saturday,  in  the  afternoon,  the  3ist  of 
August,  we  changed  our  course,  and  returned  back  for 
England,  at  which  very  instant,  even  in  winding  about, 
there  passed  along  between  us  and  the  land  which  we 
now  forsook,  a  very  lion,  to  our  seeming,  in  shape,  hair, 
and  color ;  not  swimming  after  the  manner  of  a  beast, 
by  moving  of  his  feet,  but  rather  sliding  upon  the  water 
with  his  whole  body  —  not  excepting  the  legs  —  in  sight ; 
neither  yet  diving  under,  and  again  rising  above  the 
water,  as  the  manner  is  of  whales,  dolphins,  tunnies, 
porpoises,  and  all  other  fish,  but  confidently  showing 
himself  above  water  without  hiding,  notwithstanding 
we  presented  ourselves  in  open  view  and  gestures  to 
amaze  him,  as  all  creatures  will  be  commonly  at  a 
sudden  gaze  and  sight  of  men.  Thus  he  passed  along, 
turning  his  head  to  and  fro,  yawning  and  gaping  wide, 
with  ugly  demonstration  of  long  teeth  and  glaring  eyes ; 
and  to  bid  us  a  farewell,  coming  right  against  the 
"  Hind,"  he  sent  forth  a  horrible  voice,  roaring  or  bel 
lowing  as  doth  a  lion ;  which  spectacle  we  all  beheld  so 
far  as  we  were  able  to  discern  the  same,  as  men  prone 
to  wonder  at  every  strange  thing,  as  this  doubtless  was, 
to  see  a  lion  in  the  ocean  sea,  or  fish  in  the  shape  of  a 
lion.  What  opinion  others  had  thereof,  and  chiefly  the 
general  himself,  I  forbear  to  deliver  ;  but  he  took  it  for 
bonum  omen^  rejoicing  that  he  was  to  war  against  such 
an  enemy,  if  it  were  the  devil.  .  .  . 

Leaving  the  issue  of  this  good  hope  unto  God,  who 

knoweth  the  truth  only,  and  can  at  his  good  pleasure 

bring  the  same  to  light,  I  will  hasten  to  the  end  of  this 

tragedy,  which  must  be  knit  up  in  the  person   of   our 

1  A  good  omen.     This  was  probably  a  large  seal,  or  sea-lion. 


172  SIR    HUMPHREY   GILBERT. 

general.  And  as  it  was  God's' ordinance  upon  him,  even 
so  the  vehement  persuasion  and  entreaty  of  his  friends 
could  nothing  avail  to  divert  him  from  a  wilful  resolu 
tion  of  going  through  in  his  frigate,  which  was  over 
charged  upon  the  decks  with  fights,1  nettings,  and  small 
artillery,  too  cumbersome  for  so  small  a  boat  that  was 
to  pass  through  the  ocean  sea  at  that  season  of  the 
year,  when  by  course  we  might  expect  much  storm  of 
foul  weather,  whereof  indeed  we  had  enough. 

But  when  he  was  entreated  by  the  captain,  master, 
and  other  his  well-willers  of  the  "  Hind,"  not  to  venture 
in  the  frigate,  this  was  his  answer :  "  I  will  not  forsake 
my  little  company  going  homeward,  with  whom  I  have 
passed  so  many  storms  and  perils."  And  in  very  truth 
he  was  urged  to  be  so  over  hard  by  hard  reports  given 
of  him  that  he  was  afraid  of  the  sea ;  albeit  this  was 
rather  rashness,  than  advised  resolution,  to  prefer  the 
wind  of  a  vain  report  to  the  weight  of  his  own  life. 
Seeing  he  would  not  bend  to  reason,  he  had  provision 
out  of  the  "Hind  "such  as  was  wanting  aboard  his 
frigate.  And  so  we  committed  him  to  God's  protection 
to  set  him  aboard  his  pinnace  ;  we  being  more  than 
three  hundred  leagues  onward  of  our  way  home. 

By  that  time,  we  had  brought  the  islands  of  Azores 
south  of  us,  yet  we  then  keeping  much  to  the  north 
until  we  had  got  into  the  height  and  elevation  of  Eng 
land,  met  with  very  foul  weather,  and  terrible  seas, 
breaking  short  and  high,  pyramid-wise.  The  reason 
whereof  seemed  to  proceed  either  of  hilly  grounds,  high 
and  low,  within  the  sea,  —  as  we  see  hills  and  dales  upon 
the  land,  —  upon  which  the  seas  do  mount  and  fall ;  or 

.'." ,. .   a  Warlike  preparations. 


DEATH    OF    SIR    HUMPHREY    GILBERT.  173 

else  the  cause  proceedeth  of  diversity  of  winds,  shift 
ing  often  in  sundry  points :  all  which  having  power 
together  to  move  the  great  ocean,  which  again  is  not 
presently  settled,  so  many  seas  do  encounter  together 
as  there  had  been  diversity  of  winds.  Howsoever  it 
cometh  to  pass,  men  which  all  their  lifetime  had  occu 
pied  the  sea  never  saw  more  outrageous  seas.  We  had 
also  upon  our  mainyard  an  apparition  of  a  little  fire  by 
night,  which  seamen  do  call  Castor  and  Pollux  ; l  but  we 
had  only  one,  which  they  take  an  evil  sign  of  more 
tempest :  the  same  is  usual  in  storms. 

Monday,  the  gth  of  September,  in  the  afternoon,  the 
frigate  was  near  cast  away,  oppressed  by  waves ;  yet  at 
that  time  recovered,  and  giving  forth  signs  of  joy,  the 
general,  sitting  abaft,  with  a  book  in  his  hand,  cried  out 
to  us  in  the  "  Hind,"  —  so  oft  as  we  did  approach  within 
hearing,  —  "  We  are  as  near  to  heaven  by  sea  as  by 
land,"  reiterating  the  same  speech,  well  beseeming  a 
soldier  resolute  in  Jesus  Christ,  as  I  can  testify  he  was. 

The  same  Monday  night,  about  twelve  of  the  clock, 
or  not  long  after,  the  frigate  being  ahead  of  us  in  the 
"Golden  Hind,"  suddenly  her  lights  were  out,  whereof, 
as  it  were  in  a  moment,  we  lost  the  sight ;  and  withal 
our  watch  cried  [that]  the  general  was  cast  away,  which 
was  too  true  ;  for  in  that  moment  the  frigate  was  de 
voured  and  swallowed  up  of  the  sea.  .  .  . 

Thus  have  I  delivered  the  contents  of  the  enterprise 
and  last  acti9n  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  Knight,  faith 
fully,  for  so  much  as  I  thought  meet  to  be  published  ; 
wherein  may  always  appear,  though  he  be  extin 
guished,  some  sparks  of  his  virtue ;  he  remaining  firm 
1  This  electric  light  is  often  called  "  St.  Elmo's  fire." 


174  SIR   HUMPHREY   GILBERT. 

and  resolute  in  a  purpose,  by  all  pretence  honest  and 
godly  as  was  this,  to  discover,  possess,  and  to  reduce 
unto  the  service  of  God  and  Christian  piety,  those 
remote  and  heathen  countries  of  America  not  actually 
possessed  by  Christians,  and  most  rightly  appertaining 
unto  the  crown  of  England. 


BOOK   IX. 

THE  LOST  COLONIES  OF  VIRGINIA. 

(A.D.    1584-1590.) 


These  extracts  from  the  early  Virginia  narratives  may  be  found  in  Hak- 
luyt's  Voyages  (ed.  1810),  vol.  iii.  pp.  301-305,  323,  340-346,  354~355- 


THE   LOST   COLONIES   OF  VIRGINIA. 


I.  —  THE  FIRST  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA. 

THE  first  voyage  made  to  the  coasts  of  America, 
with  two  barks,  wherein  were  Captains  M.  Philip 
Amadas  and  M.  Arthur  Barlowe,  who  discovered  part 
of  the  country  now  called  Virginia,  Anno  1584.  Writ 
ten  by  one  of  the  said  captains,  and  sent  to  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  Knight,  at  whose  charge  and  direction  the  said 
voyage  was  set  forth. 

The  twenty-seventh  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our 
redemption,1  1584,  we  departed  [from]  the  west  of 
England,  with  two  barks  well  furnished  with  men  and 
victuals,  having  received  our  last  and  perfect  directions 
by  your  letters,  confirming  the  former  instructions  and 
commandments,  delivered  by  yourself  at  our  leaving  the 
River  of  Thames.  .  .  . 

The  2d  of  July  we  found  shoal  water,  where  we 
smelt  so  sweet  and  so  strong  a  smell,  as  if  we  had  been 
in  the  midst  of  some  delicate  garden  abounding  with 
all  kind  of  odoriferous  flowers,  by  which  we  were 
assured  that  the  land  could  not  be  far  distant.  And 

1  Anno  Domini.  ,    . 

177 


178  THE    LOST   COLONIES   OF   VIRGINIA. 

keeping  good  watch,  and  bearing  but  slack  sail,  the 
4th  of  the  same  month  we  arrived  upon  the  coast, 
which  we  supposed  to  be  a  continent  and  firm  land ; 
and  we  sailed  along  the  same  a  hundred  and  twenty 
English  miles  before  we  could  find  any  entrance  or  river 
issuing  into  the  sea.  The  first  that  appeared  unto  us, 
we  entered,  though  not  without  some  difficulty,  and 
cast  anchor  about  three  arquebuse-shot  within  the 
haven's  mouth  on  the  left-hand  of  the  same.  And, 
after  thanks  given  to  God  for  our  safe  arrival  thither, 
we  manned  our  boats,  and  went  to  view  the  land  next 
adjoining,  and  "  to  take  possession  of  the  same  in  the 
right  of  the  Queen's  most  excellent  Majesty,  as  rightful 
queen  and  princess  of  the  same,"  and  after1  delivered 
the  same  over  to  your  use,  according  to  her  Majesty's 
grant,  and  letters-patent,  under  her  Highness'  great 
seal.  .  .  . 

We  passed  from  the  seaside  towards  the  tops  of  those 
hills  next  adjoining,  being  but  of  mean  height;  and 
from  thence  we  beheld  the  sea  on  both  sides  to  the 
north,  and  to  the  south,  finding  no  end  any  of  both 
ways.  This  land  lay  stretching  itself  to  the  west, 
which  after  we  found  to  be  but  an  island  of  twenty 
miles  long,  and  not  about  six  miles  broad.2  Under  the 
bank  or  hill  whereon  we  stood,  we  beheld  the  valleys 
replenished  with  goodly  cedar-trees ;  and,  having  dis 
charged  our  arquebuse-shot,  such  a  flock  of  cranes  — 
the  most  part  white — arose  under  us,  with  such  a  cry, 
redoubled  by  many  echoes,  as  if  an  army  of  men  had 
shouted  all  together. 

1  Afterwards. 

2  This  was  ons  of  the  islands  on  the  North  Carolina  coast,  probably 
Portsmouth  Island. 


THE    FIRST    VOYAGE    TO    VIRGINIA.  179 

We  remained  by  the  side  of  this  island  two  whole 
days  before  we  saw  any  people  of  the  country.  The 
third  day  we  espied  one  small  boat  rowing  towards  us, 
having  in  it  three  persons.  This  boat  came  to  the 
island  side,  four  arquebuse-shot  from  our  ships ;  and 
there,  two  of  the  people  remaining,  the  third  came  along 
the  shore-side  toward  us ;  and  we,  being  then  all  within 
board,1  he  walked  up  and  down  upon  the  point  of  land 
next  unto  us.  Then  the  master  and  pilot  of  the  ad 
miral,2  Simon  Ferdinando,  and  the  captain,  Philip 
Amadas,  myself,  and  others,  rowed  to  the  land,  whose 
coming  this  fellow  attended,  never  making  any  show  of 
fear  or  doubt.  And,  after  he  had  spoken  of  many 
things  not  understood  by  us,  we  brought  him,  with  his 
own  good  liking,  aboard  the  ships,  and  gave  him  a  shirt, 
a  hat,  and  some  other  things,  and  made  him  taste  of 
our  wine  and  our  meat,  which  he  liked  very  well ;  and, 
after  having  viewed  both  barks,  he  departed,  and  went 
to  his  own  boat  again,  which  he  had  left  in  a  little 
cove  or  creek  adjoining.  Soon  as  he  was  two  bow-shot 
into  the  water,  he  fell  to  fishing ;  and  in  less  than  half 
an  hour  he  had  laden  his  boat  as  deep  as  it  could  swim, 
with  which  he  came  again  to  the  point  of  the  land ;  and 
there  he  divided  his  fish  into  two  parts,  pointing3  one 
part  to  the  ship,  and  the  other  to  the  pinnace ;  which 
after  he  had,  as  much  as  he  might,  requited  the  former 
benefits  received,  departed  out  of  our  sight. 

The  next  day,  there  came  unto  us  divers  boats,  and 
in  one  of  them  the  king's  brother,  accompanied  with 
forty  or  fifty  men,  very  handsome  and  goodly  people, 
and  in  their  behavior  as  mannerly  and  civil  as  any  of 

1  On  board.  2  Flag-ship.  3  Appointing,  or  assigning. 


l8o  THE    LOST   COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

Europe.  His  name  was  Granganimeo,  and  the  king  is 
called  Wingina ;  the  country,  Wingandacoa  ;  and  now, 
by  her  Majesty,  Virginia.  The  manner  of  his  coming 
was  in  this  sort :  he  left  his  boats  all  together,  as  the 
first  man  did,  a  little  from  the  ships  by  the  shore,  and 
came  along  to  the  place  over  against  the  ships,  followed 
with  forty  men.  When  he  came  to  the  place,  his  ser 
vants  spread  a  long  mat  upon  the  ground,  on  which  he 
sat  down ;  and  at  the  other  end  of  the  mat  four  others 
of  his  company  did  the  like :  the  rest  of  his  men  stood 
round  about  him  somewhat  afar  off.  When  we  came 
to  the  shore  to  him  with  our  weapons,  he  never  moved 
from  his  place,  nor  any  of  the  other  four,  nor  never 
mistrusted  any  harm  to  be  offered  from  us ;  but,  sitting 
still,  he  beckoned  us  to  come  and  sit  by  him,  which  we 
performed ;  and,  being  set,  he  made  all  signs  of  joy 
and  welcome,  striking  on  his  head  and  his  breast,  and 
afterwards  on  ours,  to  show  w*e  all  were  one,  smiling 
and  making  show,  the  best  he  could,  of  all  love  and 
familiarity.  After  he  had  made  a  long  speech  unto  us, 
we  presented  him  with  divers  things,  which  he  received 
very  joyfully  and  thankfully.  None  of  the  company 
durst  speak  one  word  all  the  time :  only  the  four  which 
were  at  the  other  end  spoke  one  in  the  other's  ear  very 
softly. 

A  day  or  two  after  this,  we  fell  to  trading  with  them, 
exchanging  some  things  that  we  had  for  chamois, 
buff,  and  deer  skins.  When  we  showed  him1  all  our 
packet  of  merchandise,  of  all  things  that  he  saw,  a 
bright  tin  dish  most  pleased  him,  which  he  presently 
took  up,  and  clapped  it  before  his  breast,  and,  after, 

1  The  king. 


THE    FIRST   VOYAGE    TO    VIRGINIA.  l8l 

made  a  hole  in  the  brim  thereof,  and  hung  it  about  his 
neck,  making  signs  that  it  would  defend  him  against 
his  enemies'  arrows ;  for  these  people  maintain  a 
deadly  and  terrible  war  with  the  people  and  king 
adjoining.  We  exchanged  our  tin  dish  for  twenty 
skins,  worth  twenty  crowns,  or  twenty  nobles  ;  and  a 
copper  kettle  for  fifty  skins,  worth  fifty  crowns.  They 
offered  us  good  exchange  for  our  hatchets  and  axes 
and  for  knives,  and  would  have  given  any  thing  for 
swords  ;  but  we  would  not  depart l  with  any. 

After  two  or  three  days,  the  king's  brother  came 
aboard  the  ships,  and  drank  wine,  and  ate  of  our  meat 
and  our  bread,  and  liked  exceedingly  thereof ;  and, 
after  a  few  days  overpassed,  he  brought  his  wife  with 
him  to  the  ships,  his  daughter,  and  two  or  three  chil 
dren.  His  wife  was  very  well  favored,  of  mean  stature, 
and  very  bashful.  She  had  on  her  back  a  long  cloak  of 
leather,  with  the  fur  side  next  to  her  body,  and  before 
her  a  piece  of  the  same  ;  about  her  forehead  she  had  a 
band  of  white  coral,  and  so  had  her  husband  many 
times ;  in  her  ears  she  had  bracelets  of  pearl  hanging 
down  to  her  middle,  —  whereof  we  delivered  your  Wor 
ship  a  little  bracelet,  —  and  those  were  of  the  bigness 
of  good  peas.  The  rest  of  her  women  of  the  better 
sort  had  pendants  of  copper  hanging  in  either  ear ;  and 
some  of  the  children  of  the  king's  brother,  and  other 
noblemen,  have  five  or  six  in  either  ear.  He  himself 
had  upon  his  head  a  broad  plate  of  gold,  or  copper ; 
for,  being  unpolished,  we  knew  not  what  metal  it  should 
be  ;  neither  would  he  by  any  means  suffer  us  to  take  it 
off  his  head  ;  but  feeling  it,  it  would  bow 2  very  easily. 

1  Part.  2  Bend. 


l82  THE    LOST    COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

His  apparel  was  as  his  wife's ;  only  the  women  wear 
their  hair  long  on  both  sides,  and  the  men  but  on  one. 
They  are  of  color  yellowish,  and  their  hair  black,  for 
the  most  part ;  and  yet  we  saw  children  that  had  very 
fine  auburn  and  chestnut  colored  hair. 

After  that  these  women  had  been  there,  there  came 
down  from  all  parts  great  store  of  people,  bringing 
with  them  leather,  coral,  divers  kind  of  dyes,  very  ex 
cellent,  and  exchanged  with  us.  But  when  Grangani- 
meo,  the  king's  brother,  was  present,  none  durst  trade 
but  himself,  except  such  as  wear  red  pieces  of  copper 
on  their  heads  like  himself;  for  that  is  the  difference 
between  the  noblemen  and  the  governors  of  countries, 
and  the  meaner  sort.  And  we  both  noted  there,  and 
you  have  understood  since  by  these  men  which  we 
brought  home,  that  no  people  in  the  world  carry  more 
respect  to  their  king,  nobility,  and  governors,  than  these 
do.  The  king's  brother's  wife,  when  she  came  to  us,  — 
as  she  did  many  times,  —  was  followed  with  forty  or 
fifty  women  always  ;  and,  when  she  came  into  the  ship, 
she  left  them  all  on  land,  saving  her  two  daughters, 
her  nurse,  and  one  or  two  more.  The  king's  brother 
always  kept  this  order:  as  many  boats  as  he  would 
come  withal  to  the  ships,  so  many  fires  would  he  make 
on  the  shore  afar  off,  to  the  end  we  might  understand 
with  what  strength  and  company  he  approached. 

Their  boats  are  made  of  one  tree,  either  of  pine  or 
of  pitch  trees,  a  wood  not  commonly  known  to  our 
people,  nor  found  growing  in  England.  They  have  no 
edge-tools  to  make  them  withal :  if  they  have  any, 
they  are  very  few,  and  those  it  seems  they  had  twenty 
years  since,  which,  as  those  two  men  declared,  was  out 


THE    FIRST    VOYAGE    TO    VIRGINIA.  183 

of  a  wreck,  which  happened  upon  their  coast,  of  some 
Christian  ship,  being  beaten  that  way  by  some  storm 
and  outrageous  weather,  whereof  none  of  the  people 
were  saved,  but  only  the  ship,  or  some  part  of  her, 
being  cast  upon  the  sand,  out  of  whose  sides  they  drew 
the  nails  and  the  spikes,  and  with  those  they  made  their 
best  instruments. 

.  The  manner  of  making  their  boats  is  thus :  they  burn 
down  some  great  tree,  or  take  such  as  are  windfallen, 
and,  putting  gum  and  resin  upon  one  side  thereof,  they 
set  fire  into  it,  and,  when  it  hath  burned  it  hollow,  they  cut 
out  the  coal  with  their  shells,  and  ever,  where  they  would 
burn  it  deeper  or  wider,  they  lay  on  gums  which  burn 
away  the  timber ;  and  by  this  means  they  fashion  very 
fine  boats,  and  such  as  will  transport  twenty  men.1 
Their  oars  are  like  scoops;  and  many  times  they  set2 
with  long  poles,  as  the  depth  serveth. 

The  king's  brother  had  great  liking  of  our  armor,  a 
sword,  and  divers  other  things  which  we  had,  and 
offered  to  lay  a  great  box  of  pearls  in  gage  3  for  them ; 
but  we  refused  it  for  this  time,  because  we  would  not 
make  them  know  that  we  esteemed  thereof,  until  we 
had  understood  in  what  places  of  the  country  the  pearl 
grew ;  which  now  your  Worship  doth  very  well  under 
stand. 

He  was  very  just  of  his  promise,  for  many  times  we 
delivered  him  merchandise  upon  his  word ;  but  ever  he 
came  within  the  day,  and  performed  his  promise.  He 
sent  us  every  day  a  brace  or  two  of  fat  bucks,  conies, 
hares,  fish,  the  best  in  the  world. 

1  See  the  woodcut  on  page  65.  2  Push.  3  Pledge. 


184 


THE    LOST    COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 


II.  —  VISIT  TO  AN*  INDIAN  PRINCESS. 

} 

THE  evening  following,  we  came  to  an  island,  which 
they  call  Roanoke,  distant  from  the  harbor  by  which 

we  entered  seven 
7-1  leagues  •  and  at  the 
north  end  thereof 
was  a  village  of 
nine  houses,  built 
of  cedar,  and  forti 
fied  round  about 
with  sharp  trees, 
to  keep  out  their 
enemies,  and  the 
entrance  into  it 
made  like  a  turn 
pike  very  artificial 
ly.  When  we  came 
towards  it,  standing 
near  unto  the  wa 
ter's  side,  the  wife 
of  Granganimeo, 
the  king's  brother, 
cam'e  running  out  to 
meet  us,  very  cheer 
fully  and  friendly :  her  husband  was  not  then  in  the 
village.  Some  of  her  people  she  commanded  to  draw 
our  boat  on  shore,  for  the  beating  of  the  billow :  others 
she  appointed  to  carry  us  on  their  backs  to  the  dry 
ground  ;  and  others  to  bring  our  oars  into  the  house, 
for  fear  of  stealing.  When  we  were  come  into  the  outer 


INDIAN    VILLAGE    IN    VIRGINIA. 


VISIT   TO    AN    INDIAN    PRINCESS.  185 

room,  —  having  five  rooms  in  her  house,  —  she  caused 
us  to  sit  down  by  a  great  fire,  and  after  took  off  our 
elothes,  and  washed  them,  and  dried  them  again.  Some 
of  the^vomen  plucked  off  our  stockings,  and  washed 
them :  some  washed  our  feet  in  warm  water ;  and  she 
herself  took  great  pains  to  see  all  things  ordered  in  the 
best  manner  she  could,  making  great  haste  to  dress 
some  meat  for  us  to  eat. 

After  we  had  thus  dried  ourselves,  she  brought  us 
into  the  inner  room,  where  she  set  on  the  board  stand 
ing  along  the  house  some  wheat  like  frumenty,1  sodden2 
venison  and  roasted,  fish  sodden,  boiled,  and  roasted, 
melons  raw  and  sodden,  roots  of  divers  kinds,  and 
divers  fruits.  Their  drink  is  commonly  water ;  but,  while 
the  grape  lasteth,  they  drink  wine  :  and,  for  want  of 
casks  to  keep  it,  all  the  year  after  they  drink  water,  but 
it  is  sodden,  with  ginger  in  it,  and  black  cinnamon,  and 
sometimes  sassafras,  and  divers  other  wholesome  and 
medicinal  herbs  and  trees.  We  were  entertained  with 
all  love  and  kindness,  and  with  as  much  bounty,  after 
their  manner,  as  they  could  possibly  devise.  We  found 
the  people  most  gentle,  loving,  and  faithful,  void  of  all 
guile  and  treason,  and  such  as  live  after  the  manner  of 
the  golden  age.  The  people  only  care  how  to  defend 
themselves  from  the  cold  in  their  short  winter,  and  to 
feed  themselves  with  such  meat  as  the  soil  affordeth. 
Their  meat  is  very  well  sodden,  and  they  make  broth 
very  sweet  and  savory.  Their  vessels  are  earthen  pots, 
very  large,  white,  and  sweet :  their  dishes  are  wooden 
platters  of  sweet  timber.  Within  the  place  where  they 
feed  was  their  lodging,  and  within  that  their  idol  which 

1  Wheat  boiled  in  milk.  2  Boiled. 


1 86  *     THE    LOST   COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

they  worship,  of  whom  they  speak  incredible  things. 
While  we  were  at  meat,  there  came  in  at  the  gates  two 
or  three  men,  with  their  bows  and  arrows,  from  hunting, 
whom  when  we  espied,  we  began  to  look  one  towards 
another,  and  offered  to  reach  our  weapons.  But,  as  soon 
as  she l  espied  our  mistrust,  she  was  very  much  moved, 
and  caused  some  of  her  men  to  run  out,  and  take  away 
their  bows  and  arrows,  and  break  them,  and,  withal, 
beat  the  poor  fellows  out  of  the  gate  again.  When  we 
departed  in  the  evening,  and  would  not  tarry  all  night, 
she  was  very  sorry,  and  gave  us  into  our  boat  our  sup 
per  half  dressed,  pots  and  all,  and  brought  us  to  our 
boat-side,  in  which  we  lay  all  night,  removing  the  same 
a  pretty  distance  from  the  shore.  She,  perceiving  our 
jealousy,2  was  much  grieved,  and  sent  divers  men  and 
thirty  women  to  sit  all  night  on  the  bank-side  by  us, 
and  sent  us  into  our  boats  five  mats  to  cover  us  from 
the  rain,  using  very  many  words  to  entreat  us  to  remain 
in  their  houses.  But  because  we  were  few  men,  and  if 
we  had  miscarried,  the  voyage  had  been  in  very  great 
danger,  we  durst  not  adventure  on  any  thing,  although 
there  was  no  cause  of  doubt ;  for  a  more  kind  and  lov 
ing  people  there  cannot  be  found  in  the  world,  as  far 
as  we  have  hitherto  had  trial. 


III.  —  ADVENTURES  OF  THE  FIRST  VIRGINIA  COLONY. 

IN  the  year  of  our  Lord  1586,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  at 
his  own  charge,  prepared  a  ship  of  an  hundred  tons, 
freighted  with  all  manner  of  things  in  most  plentiful 

1  Their  hostess.  2  Suspicion. 


ADVENTURES    OF    THE    FIRST   VIRGINIA    COLONY.     187 

manner,  for  the  supply  and  relief  of  his  colony  then 
remaining  in  Virginia.  But,  before  they  set  sail  from 
England,  it  was  after  Easter ;  so  that  our  colony  half 
despaired  of  the  coming  of  any  supply ;  wherefore 
every  man  prepared  for  himself,  determining  resolutely 
to  spend  the  residue  of  their  life  in  that  country.  And, 
for  the  better  performance  of  this  their  determination, 
they  sowed,  planted,  and  set  such  things  as  were  neces 
sary  for  their  relief  in  so  plentiful  a  manner  as  might 
have  sufficed  them  two  years,  without  any  further 
labor.  Thus,  trusting  to  their  own  harvest,  they  passed 
the  summer  till  the  loth  of  June,  at  which  time  their 
corn  which  they  had  sowed  was  within  one  fortnight  of 
reaping ;  but  then  it  happened  that  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
in  his  prosperous  return  from  the  sacking  of  Saint  Do 
mingo,  Cartagena,  and  Saint  Augustine,  determined,  in 
his  way  homeward,  to  visit  his  countrymen,  the  English 
colony  then  remaining  in  Virginia.  So,  passing  along 
the  coasts  of  Florida,  he  fell  with  ]  the  parts  where  our 
English  colony  inhabited ;  and,  having  espied  some  of 
that  company,  there  he  anchored,  and  went  a-land,2  where 
he  conferred  with  them  of  their  state  and  welfare,  and 
how  things  had  passed  with  them. 

They  answered  him  that  they  lived  all,  but  hitherto 
in  some  scarcity,  and  as  yet  could  hear  of  no  supply 
out  of  England  :  therefore  they  requested  him  that  he 
would  leave  with  them  some  two  or  three  ships,  that,  if  in 
some  reasonable  time  they  heard  not  out  of  England, 
they  might  then  return  themselves.  Which  he  agreed 
to.  Whilst  some  were  then  writing  their  letters  to  send 
into  England,  and  some  others  making  reports  of  the 
1  Came  to.  2  Ashore. 


l88  THE    LOST    COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

accidents  of  their  travels  each  to  other,  —  some  on  land, 
some  on  board,  —  a  great  storm  arose,  and  drove  most  of 
their  fleet  from  their  anchors  to  sea  ;  in  which  ships  at 
that  instant  were  the  chiefest  of  the  English  colony. 
The  rest  on  land,  perceiving  this,  hasted  to  those  three 
sails l  which  were  appointed  to  be  left  there  ;  and,  for 
fear  they  should  be  left  behind,  they  left  all  things 
confusedly,  as  if  they  had  been  chased  from  thence  by 
a  mighty  army.  And  no  doubt  so  they  were  ;  for  the 
hand  of  God  came  upon  them  for  the  cruelty  and  out 
rages  committed  by  some  of  them  against  the  native 
inhabitants  of  that  country. 

Immediately  after  the  departing  of  our  English  col 
ony  out  of  this  paradise  of  the  world,  the  ship  above 
mentioned,  sent  and  set  forth  at  the  charges  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  and  his  direction,  arrived  at  Hatorask  ;2 
who,  after  some  time  spent  in  seeking  our  colony  up  in 
the  country,  and  not  finding  them,  returned  with  all  the 
aforesaid  provision  into  England. 

About  fourteen  or  fifteen  days  after  the  departure 
of  the  aforesaid  ship,  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  general  of 
Virginia,  accompanied  with  three  ships  well  appointed 
for  the  same  voyage,  arrived  there  ;  who,  not  finding 
the  aforesaid  ship,  according  to  his  expectation,  nor 
hearing  any  news  of  our  English  colony  there  seated 
and  left  by  him  Anno3  1585,  himself  travelling  up  into 
divers  places  of  the  country,  as  well  to  see  if  he  could 
hear  any  news  of  the  colony  left  there  by  him  the  year 

1  Vessels. 

2  Hatorask  is  supposed  to  have  been  an  inlet,  now  closed,  north  of 
Cape  Hatteras,  on  the  North  Carolina  coast. 

3  In  the  year. 


THE    SECOND    ENGLISH    COLONY    IN    VIRGINIA.        189 

before,  under  the  charge  of  Master  Lane,  his  deputy, 
as  also  to  discover  some  places  of  the  country.  But 
after  some  time  spent  therein,  not  hearing  any  news  of 
them,  and  rinding  the  places  which  they  inhabited  deso 
late,  yet  unwilling  to  lose  the  possession  of  the  country 
which  Englishmen  had  so  long  held,  after  good  deliber 
ation  he  determined  to  leave  some  men  behind  to  retain 
possession  of  the  country.  Whereupon  he  landed  fif 
teen  men  in  the  Isle  of  Roanoke,  furnished  plentifully 
with  all  manner  of  provision  for  two  years,  and  so 
departed  for  England. 


IV.  —  THE  SECOND  ENGLISH  COLONY  IN  VIRGINIA. 

IN  the  year  of  our  Lord  1587,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
intending  to  persevere  in  the  planting  of  his  country  of 
Virginia,  prepared  a  new  colony  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men  to  be  sent  thither,  under  the  charge  of  John 
White,  whom  he  appointed  governor;  and  also  ap 
pointed  under  him  twelve  assistants,  unto  whom  he 
gave  a  charter,  and  incorporated  them  by  the  name  of 
Governor  and  Assistants  of  the  City  of  Raleigh  in  Vir 
ginia. 

Our  fleet  —  being  in  number  three  sail,  viz.,  the  ad 
miral,1  a  ship  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  tons,  a  fly- 
boat,2  and  a  pinnace  —  departed  the  six  and  twentieth 
of  April  from  Portsmouth,  and  the  same  day  came  to  an 
anchor  at  the  Cowes,  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  where  we 
staid  eight  days.  k  .  . 

1  Flag-ship,  carrying  the  commander. 

2  A  long,  flat-bottomed,  Dutch-built  vessel. 


igo  THE    LOST   COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

The  two  and  twentieth  of  July,  we  arrived  safe  at 
Hatorask,  where  our  ship  and  pinnace  anchored.  The 
governor  went  aboard  the  pinnace,  accompanied  with 
forty  of  his  best  men,  intending  to  pass  up  to  Roanoke 
forthwith,  hoping  there  to  find  those  fifteen  Englishmen 
which  Sir  Richard  Grenville  had  left  there  the  year 
before,  with  whom  he  meant  to  have  conference  con 
cerning  the  state  of  the  country  and  savages ;  meaning, 
after  he  had  so  done,  to  return  again  to  the  fleet,  and 
pass  along  the  coast  to  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake,  where 
we  intended  to  make  our  seat  and  fort,  according  to 
the  charge  given  us  among  other  directions  in  writing, 
under  the  hands  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  But,  as  soon 
as  we  were  put  with  our  pinnace  from  the  ship,  a  gen 
tleman  by  the  name  of  Ferdinando,  who  was  appoint 
ed  to  return  for  England,  called  to  the  sailors  in  the 
pinnace,  charging  them  not  to  bring  any  of  the  planters 
back  again,  but  to  leave  them  in  the  island,  except  the 
governor,  and  two  or  three  such  as  he  approved,  saying 
that  the  summer  was  far  spent,  whereupon  he  would 
land  all  the  planters  in  no  other  place.  Unto  this  were 
all  the  sailors,  both  in  the  pinnace  and  ship,  persuaded 
by  the  master ;  wherefore  it  booted  not l  the  governor  to 
contend  with  them,  but  [we]  passed  to  Roanoke ;  and 
the  same  night  at  sunset  went  a-land  2  on  the  island,  in 
the  place  where  our  fifteen  men  were  left :  but  we  found 
none  of  them,  nor  any  sign  that  they  had  been  there, 
saving  only  we  found  the  bones  of  one  of  those  fifteen 
which  the  savages  had  slain  long  before. 

The  three  and  twentieth  of  July,  the  governor,  with 
divers  of  his  company,  walked  to  the  north  end  of  the 

1  Did  not  benefit.  2  Ashore. 


THE   SECOND    ENGLISH    COLONY    IN    VIRGINIA.       19 1 

island,  where  Master  Ralph  Lane  had  his  fort,  with 
sundry  necessary  and  decent  dwelling-houses,  made  by 
his  men  about  it  the  year  before,  where  we  hoped  to 
find  some  signs  or  certain  knowledge  of  our  fifteen 
men.  When  we  came  thither,  we  found  the  fort  razed 
down,  but  all  the  houses  standing  unhurt,  saving  that 
the  nether  rooms  of  them,  and  also  of  the  fort,  were 
overgrown  with  melons  of  divers  sorts,  and  deer  within 
them  feeding  on  those  melons  :  so  we  returned  to  our 
company,  without  hope  of  ever  seeing  any  of  the  fifteen 
men  living. 

The  same  day,  order  was  given  that  every  man  should 
be  employed  for  the  repairing  of  those  houses  which 
we  found  standing,  and  also  to  make  other  new  cot 
tages  for  such  as  should  need. 

The  25th,  our  flyboat  and  the  rest  of  our  planters 
arrived  all  safe  at  Hatorask,  to  the  great  joy  and  com 
fort  of  the  whole  company.  But  the  master  of  our 
admiral,1  Ferdinando,  grieved  greatly  at  their  safe  com 
ing  ;  for  he  purposely  left  them  in  the  Bay  of  Portugal, 
and  stole  away  from  them  in  the  night,  hoping  that  the 
master  thereof,  whose  name  was  Edward  Spicer,  —  for 
that  he  never  had  been  in  Virginia,  —  would  hardly  find 
the  place,  or  else,  being  left  in  so  dangerous  place  as 
that  was,  by  means  of  so  many  men-of-war  as  at  that 
time  were  abroad,  they  should  surely  be  taken,  or  slain. 
But  God  disappointed  his  wicked  pretences. 

The  28th,  George  Howe,  one  of  our  twelve  assistants, 
was  slain  by  divers  savages  which  were  come  over  to 
Roanoke,  either  of  purpose  to  espy  our  company,  and 
what  number  we  were,  or  else  to  hunt  deer,  whereof 

1  Flag-ship. 


IQ2  THE    LOST   COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

were  many  in  the  island.  These  savages  —  being  se 
cretly  hidden  among  high  reeds,  where  oftentimes  they 
find  the  deer  asleep,  and  so  kill  them  —  espied  our 
man  wading  in  the  water  alone,  almost  naked,  without 
any  weapon  save  only  a  small  forked  stick,  catching 
crabs  therewithal,  and  also  being  strayed  two  miles 
from  his  company;  and  shot  at  him  in  the  water, 
where  they  gave  him  sixteen  wounds  with  their  arrows ; 
and,  after  they  had  slain  him  with  their  wooden  swords, 
they  beat  his  head  in  pieces,  and  fled  over  the  water  to 
the  main. 

On  the  3oth  of  July,  Master  Stafford  and  twenty  of 
our  men  passed  by  water  to  the  Island  of  Croatoan,1 
with  Manteo,  who  had  his  mother  and  many  of  his 
kindred  dwelling  in  that  island ;  of  whom  we  hoped  to 
understand  some  news  of  our  fifteen  men,  but  espe 
cially  to  learn  the  disposition  of  the  people  of  the  coun 
try  towards  us,  and  to  renew  our  old  friendship  with 
them.  At  our  first  landing,  they  seemed  as  though  they 
would  fight  with  us ;  but,  perceiving  us  to  begin  to 
march  with  our  shot2  towards  them,  they  turned  their 
backs,  and  fled.  Then  Manteo  their  countryman  called 
to  them  in  their  own  language,  whom  as  soon  as  they 
heard,  they  returned,  and  threw  away  their  bows  and 
arrows ;  and  some  of  them  came  unto  us,  embracing 
and  entertaining  us  friendly,  desiring  us  not  to  gather 
or  spill  any  of  their  corn,  for  they  had  but  little.  We 
answered  them  that  neither  their  corn,  nor  any  thing 
of  theirs,  should  be  diminished  by  any  of  us  ;  and  that 
our  coming  was  only  to  renew  the  old  love  that  was 
between  us  and  them  at  the  first,  and  to  live  with  them 

1  Probably  the  island  now  called  Ocracoke.  2  Aim. 


THE    SECOND    ENGLISH    COLONY    IN    VIRGINIA.        193 

as  brethren  and  friends  :  which  answer  seemed  to 
please  them  well.  Wherefore  they  requested  us  to 
walk  up  to  their  town,  who  there  feasted  us  after  their 
manner,  and  desired  us  earnestly  that  there  might  be 
some  token  or  badges  given  them  of  us,  whereby  we 
might  know  them  to  be  our  friends  when  we  met  them 
anywhere  out  of  the  town  or  island.  .  .  . 

We  understood  by  them  of  Croatoan,  how  that  the 
fifteen  Englishmen  left  at  Roanoke  the  year  before 
by  Sir  Richard  Grenville  were  suddenly  set  upon  by 
thirty  of  the  men  of  Secota,  Aquascogoc,  and  Dasa- 
monguepeuk  in  manner  following.  They  conveyed 
themselves  secretly  behind  the  trees,  near  the  houses 
where  our  men  carelessly  lived.  And,  having  perceived 
that  of  those  fifteen  they  could  see  but  eleven  only, 
two  of  those  savages  appeared  to  the  eleven  English 
men,  calling  to  them  by  friendly  signs,  that  but  two  of 
their  chiefest  men  should  come  unarmed  to  speak  with 
those  two  savages,  who  seemed  also  to  be  unarmed. 
Wherefore  two  of  the  chiefest  of  our  Englishmen  went 
gladly  to  them  ;  but,  whilst  one  of  those  savages  traitor 
ously  embraced  one  of  our  men,  the  other  with  his 
sword  of  wood,  which  he  had  secretly  hidden  under  his 
mantle,  struck  him  on  the  head,  and  slew  him  ;  and 
presently  the  other  eight  and  twenty  savages  showed 
themselves. 

The  other  Englishman,  perceiving  this,  fled  to  his 
company,  whom  the  savages  pursued  with  their  bows 
and  arrows  so  fast,  that  the  Englishmen  were  forced  to 
take  the  house,  wherein  all  their  victuals  and  weapons 
were  ;  but  the  savages  forthwith  set  the  same  on  fire, 
by  means  whereof  our  men  were  forced  to  take  up 


194  THE    LOST   COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

such  weapons  as  came  first  to  hand,  and  without  order 
to  run  forth  among  the  savages,  with  whom  they  skir 
mished  above  an  hour.  In  this  skirmish,  another  of  our 
men  was  shot  into  the  mouth  with  an  arrow,  where  l  he 
died ;  and  also  one  of  the  savages  was  shot  into  the 
side  by  one  of  our  men,  with  a  wildfire  arrow,2  whereof 
he  died  presently. 

The  place  where  they  fought  was  of  great  advantage 
to  the  savages,  by  means  of  the  thick  trees,  behind 
which  the  savages,  through  their  nimbleness,  defended 
themselves,  and  so  offended  our  men  with  their  arrows, 
that  our  men,  being  some  of  them  hurt,  retired  fighting 
to  the  water-side,  where  their  boat  lay,  with  which  they 
fled  towards  Hatorask.  By  that  time  they  had  rowed 
but  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  they  espied  their  four  fellows 
coming  from  a  creek  thereby,  where  they  had  been  to 
fetch  oysters.  These  four  they  received  into  their  boat, 
leaving  Roanoke,  and  landed  on  a  little  island  on  the 
right  hand  of  our  entrance  into  the  harbor  of  Hatorask, 
where  they  remained  a  while,  but  afterward  departed, 
whither  as  yet  we  know  not. 

Having  now  sufficiently  despatched  our  business  at 
Croatoan,  the  same  day  departed  friendly,  taking  our 
leave,  and  came  aboard  the  fleet  at  Hatorask.  .  .  . 

The  1 8th,  Eleanor,  daughter  to  the  governor,  and  wife 
to  Ananias  Dare,  one  of  the  assistants,  was  delivered 
of  a  daughter  in  Roanoke,  and  the  same  was  christened 
there  the  Sunday  following ;  and,  because  this  child  was 
the  first  Christian  born  in  Virginia,  she  was  named 
Virginia.  By  this  time,  our  ships  had  unladen  the 

1  Wherefore. 

2  Probably  an  arrow  rubbed  with  some  irritating  ointment. 


SEARCH    FOR    THE    LOST    COLONY. 


'95 


goods  and  victuals  of  the  planters,  and  began  to  take  in 
wood  and  fresh  water,  and  to  new  calk  and  trim  them 
for  England  :  the  planters,  also,  prepared  their  letters 
and  tokens  to  send  back  into  England.  .  .  . 

The  next  day,  the  22d  of  August,  the  whole  company, 
both  of  the  assistants  and  planters,  came  to  the  gov 
ernor,  and  with  one  voice  requested  him  to  return 


BAPTISM    OF    FIRST   CHILD    IN    VIRGINIA. 


himself  into  England,  for  the  better  and  sooner  obtain 
ing  of  supplies  and  other  necessaries  for  them  ;  but  he 
refused  it.  ... 

The  governor,  being  at  the  last,  through  their  ex 
treme  entreating,  constrained  to  return  into  England, 
having  then  but  half  a  day's  respite  to  prepare  himself 
for  the  same,  departed  from  Roanoke  the  seven  and 


196  THE    LOST    COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

twentieth  of  August,  in  the  morning,  and  the  same  day 
after  midnight  came  aboard  the  fly-boat,  who  already 
had  weighed  anchor,  and  rode  without  the  bar,  the 
admiral  riding  by  them,  who,  but  the  same  morning, 
was  newly  come  thither  again.  The  same  day  both  the 
ships  weighed  anchor,  and  set  sail  for  England. 


V.  —  SEARCH  FOR  THE  LOST  COLONY. 

[It  was  three  years  before  Governor  White  returned  to  the  colony  which 
he  had  left.  He  reached  the  coast  of  Virginia  in  August,  1590,  and  thus 
describes  what  followed.] 

OUR  boats  and  all  things  fitted  again,  we  put  off 
from  Hatorask,  being  the  number  of  nineteen  persons 
in  both  boats.  But,  before  we  could  get  to  the  place 
where  our  planters  were  left,  it  was  so  exceeding  dark, 
that  we  overshot  the  place  a  quarter  of  a  mile  :  there 
we  espied,  towards  the  north  end  of  the  island,  the 
light  of  a  great  fire  through  the  woods,  to  the  which  we 
presently  rowed :  when  we  came  right  over  against  it, 
we  let  fall  our  grapnel  near  the  shore,  and  sounded  with 
a  trumpet  a  call,  and  afterward  many  English  tunes  of 
songs,  and  called  to  them  friendly,  but  we  had  no 
answer.  We  therefore  landed  at  daybreak,  and,  coming 
to  the  fire,  we  found  the  grass  and  sundry  rotten  trees 
burning  about  the  place.  From  hence  we  went  through 
the  woods  to  that  part  of  the  island  directly  over  against 
Dasamonguepeuk ;  and  from  thence  we  returned  by  the 
water-side  round  about  the  north  point  of  the  island, 
until  we  came  to  the  place  where  I  left  our  colony  in 
the  year  I586.1 

i  A  mistake  of  the  pen.-    It  was  1587. 


SEARCH  FOR  THE  LOST  COLONY.         197 

In  all  this  way  we  saw  in  the  sand  the  print  of  the 
savages'  feet,  of  two  or  three  sorts,  trodden  [in]  the  night ; 
and  as  we  entered  up  the  sandy  bank,  upon  a  tree,  in 
the  very  brow  thereof,  were  curiously  carved  these  fair 
Roman  letters,  C  R  O :  which  letters  presently  we  knew 
to  signify  the  place  where  I  should  find  the  planters 


THE    EXPLORERS    LOOKING    AT    THE    TREE. 

seated,1  according  to  a  secret  token  agreed  upon  be 
tween  them  and  me  at  my  last  departure  from  them. 
Which  was,  that  in  any  ways  they  should  not  fail  to 
write  or  carve  upon  the  trees  or  posts  of  the  doors  the 
name  of  the  place  where  they  should  be  seated ;  for  at 
my  coming  away  they  were  prepared  to  remove  from 
Roanoke  fifty  miles  into  the  main.  Therefore  at  my 

1  Established. 


198  THE    LOST   COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

departure  from  them  in  1587,  I  willed  them,  that,  if  they 
should  happen  to  be  distressed  in"  any  of  those  places, 
then,  they  should  carve  over  the  letters  or  name  a  cross 
+  in  this  form ;  but  we  found  no  such  sign  of  distress. 
And,  having  well  considered  of  this,  we  passed  toward 
the  place  where  they  were  left  in  sundry  houses ;  but 
we  found  the  houses  taken  down,  and  the  place  very 
strongly  enclosed  with  a  high  palisado  of  great  trees, 
with  curtains l  and  flankers,2  very  fort-like.  And  one  of 
the  chief  trees  or  posts  at  the  right  side  of  the  entrance 
had  the  bark  taken  off ;  and  five  feet  from  the  ground, 
in  fair  capital  letters,  was  graven  CROATOAN, 
without  any  cross,  or  sign  of  distress.  This  done,  \ve 
entered  into  the  palisado,  where  we  found  many  bars  of 
iron,  two  pigs  of  lead,  four  iron  fowlers,3  iron  saker-3 
shot,  and  such  like  heavy  things,  thrown  here  and  there, 
almost  overgrown  with  grasses  and  weeds. 

From  thence  we  went  along  by  the  water-side, 
toward  the  point  of  the  creek,  to  see  if  we  could  find 
any  of  their  boats  or  pinnace;  but  we  could  perceive 
no  sign  of  them,  nor  any  of  the  last  falcons 4  and  small 
ordnance  which  were  left  with  them  at  my  departure 
from  them.  At  our  return  from  the  creek,  some  of 
our  sailors,  meeting  us,  told  us  they  had  found  where 
divers  chests  had  been  hidden,  and  long  since  digged 
up  again,  and  broken  up,  and  much  of  the  goods  in 
them  spoiled  and  scattered  about,  but  nothing  left,  of 
such  things  as  the  savages  knew  any  use  of,  undefaced. 
Presently  Captain  Cooke  and  I  went  to  the  place,  which 
was  in  the  end  of  an  old  trench,  made  two  years  past 

i  Part  of  the  rampart  of  a  fort.  2  Side  fortifications. 

3  Different  kinds  of  cannon-balls.  4  A  kind  of  cannon. 


SEARCH  FOR  THE  LOST  COLONY.         199 

by  Captain  Amadas,  where  we  found  five  chests  that 
had  been  carefully  hidden  of  the  planters,  and  of  the 
same  chests  three  were  my  own ;  and  about  the  place 
many  of  my  things  spoiled  and  broken,  and  my  books 
torn  from  the  covers,  the  frames  of  some  of  my  pictures 
and  maps  rotten,  and  spoiled  with  rain,  and  my  armor 
almost  eaten  through  with  rust.  This  could  be  no  other 
but  the  deed  of  the  savages,  our  enemies,  at  Dasamon- 
guepeuk,  who  had  watched  the  departure  of  our  men 
to  Croatoan,  and,  as  soon  as  they  were  departed,  digged 
up  every  place  where  they  suspected  any  thing  to  be 
buried.  But  although  it  much  grieved  me  to  see  such 
spoil  of  my  goods,  yet  on  the  other  side  I  greatly 
joyed  that  I  had  safely  found  a  certain  token  of  their 
safe  being  at  Croatoan,  which  is  the  place  where 
Manteo  was  born,  and  the  savages  of  the  island  our 
friends.  .  .  . 

The  next  morning  it  was-  agreed  by  the  captain  and 
myself,  with  the  master  and  others,  to  weigh  anchor, 
and  go  for  the  place  at  Croatoan,  where  our  planters 
were,  for  that  then  the  wind  was  good  for  that  place, 
and  also  to  leave  that  cask  with  fresh  water  on  shore 
in  the  island  until  our  return.  So  then  they  brought 
the  cable  to  the  captain  ;  but,  when  the  anchor  was 
almost  apeak,1  the  cable  broke,  by  means  whereof  we 
lost  another  anchor,  wherewith  we  drove  so  fast  into 
the  shore,  that  we  were  forced  to  let  fall  a  third 
anchor ;  which  came  so  fast  home,  that  the  ship  was 
almost  aground  by  Kenrick's  Mounts  ;  so  that  we  were 
forced  to  let  slip  the  cable  end  for  end.  .  .  .  Being 
thus  clear  of  some  dangers,  and  gotten  into  deeper 

1  i.e.,  partly  drawn  up,  and  hanging  under  the  bow. 


2OO  THE    LOST   COLONIES    OF    VIRGINIA. 

water,  but  not  without  some  loss,  for  we  had  but  one 
cable  and  anchor  left  us  of  four,  and  the  weather 
grew  to  be  fouler  and  fouler,  our  victuals  scarce,  and 
our  cask  and  fresh  water  lost :  it  was  therefore  deter 
mined  that  we  should  go  for  St.  John,  or  some  other 
island  to  the  southward,  for  fresh  water. 

[No  trace  of  this  lost  colony  has  ever  been  discovered;  and  we  can  only 
guess  at  the  fate  of  the  first  white  child  born  in  America,  Virginia  Dare. 
Strachey,  the  secretary  of  the  Jamestown  (Virginia)  colony,  twenty  years 
after,  was  told  by  the  Indians  that  seven  of  the  English,  "  who  escaped  the 
slaughter  at  Roanoke,"  were  preserved  alive  by  a  certain  chief ;  but  neither 
he  nor  Captain  John  Smith  has  left  on  record  any  thing  more.] 


PALISADED    TOWN. 


BOOK   X. 

UNSUCCESSFUL  SETTLEMENTS  IN 
NEW  ENGLAND. 

(A.D.  1602-1607.) 


The  narrative  of  Captain  Gosnold's  adventures  is  taken  from  John 
Brereton's  "  Brief  and  True  Relation  of  the  Discovery  of  the  North  Part 
of  Virginia  :  being  a  most  pleasant,  fruitful,  and  commodious  soil."  Re 
printed  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  3d 
series,  vol.  viii.  pp.  85-93. 

Waymouth's  narrative  is  taken  from  "A  True  Relation  of  the  most 
Prosperous  Voyage  made  this  Present  Year,  1605,  by  Captain  George 
Waymouth,  in  the  discovery  of  the  land  of  Virginia,  where  he  discovered, 
sixty  miles  up,  a  most  excellent  river,  together  with  a  most  fertile  land. 
Written  by  James  Rosier,  a  gentleman  employed  in  the  voyage."  Re 
printed  in  the  same  volume  of  tli2  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections, 
pp.  135-156. 

The  other  two  narratives  are  from  Strachey's  "  Historie  of  Travaile 
into  Virginia"  (reprinted  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  1849),  pp.  171-173,  176- 
180. 


UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS    IN 
NEW    ENGLAND. 


I. — GOSNOLD'S  FORT  AT  CUTTYHUNK. 

[Gosnold  was  the  first  Englishman  who  attempted  to  found  a  colony  in 
New  England  ;  and  this  account  of  his  attempt  is  by  his  companion,  John 
Brereton.] 

'T^O  THE  HONORABLE  SIR  WALTER  RALEIGH, 
J.  KNIGHT.  Honorable  Sir,  —  Being  earnestly  re 
quested  by  a  dear  friend  to  put  down  in  writing  some 
true  relation  of  our  late-performed  voyage  to  the  north 
parts  of  Virginia,1  at  length  I  resolved  to  satisfy  his 
request.  .  .  . 

May  it  please  your  Lordship,  therefore,  to  understand 
that  upon  the  five  and  twentieth  of  March,  1602,  being 
Friday,  we  went  from  Falmouth,  being  in  all  two  and 
thirty  persons,  in  a  small  bark  of  Dartmouth,  called 
"The  Concord,"  holding  a  course  for  the  north  part  of 
Virginia.  .  .  . 

On  Friday,  the  i4th  of  May,  early  in  the  morning, 
we  made  the  land,  being  full  of  fair  trees,  the  land 

1  The  Massachusetts  coast  was  still  described  as  a  part  of  Virginia. 

203 


204  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

somewhat  low,  certain  hammocks l  or  hills  lying  into 
the  land,  the  shore  full  of  white  sand,  but  very  stony 
or  rocky.  And  standing  fair  along  by  the  shore, 
about  twelve  of  the  clock  the  same  day,  we  came  to  an 
anchor,  where  eight  Indians  in  a  Basque-shallop,2  with 
mast  and  sail,  an  iron  grapple,  and  a  kettle  of  copper, 
came  boldly  aboard  us,  one  of  them  apparelled  with  a 
waistcoat  and  breeches  of  black  serge,  made  after  our 
sea  fashion,  hose  and  shoes  on  his  feet:  all  the  rest  — 
saving  one  that  had  a  pair  of  breeches  of  blue  cloth  — 
were  naked.  These  people  are  of  tall  stature,  broad 
and  grim  visage,  of  a  black,  swart  complexion,  their 
eyebrows  painted  white.  Their  weapons  are  bows  and 
arrows.  It  seemed  by  some  words  and  signs  they 
made,  that  some  Basques,  or  of  St.  John  de  Luz,8  have 
fished  or  traded  in  this  place,  being  in  the  latitude  of 
forty-three  degrees. 

But  riding  here,  in  no  very  good  harbor,  and  withal 
doubting  the  weather,  about  three  of  the  clock  the 
same  day,  in  the  afternoon,  we  weighed,  and  standing 
southerly  off  into  sea  the  rest  of  that  day  and  the  night 
following,  with  a  fresh  gale  of  wind,  in  the  morning 
we  found  ourselves  embayed  with  a  mighty  head 
land.4  But  coming  to  an  anchor  about  nine  of  the 
clock  the  same  day,  within  a  league  of  the  shore,  we 
hoisted  out  the  one-half  of  our  shallop ;  and  Captain 
Bartholomew  Gosnold,  myself,  and  three  others,  went 
ashore,  being  a  white,  sandy,  and  bold  shore ;  and 

1  Hummocks,  or  small  hills. 

2  Probably  a  boat  obtained  from  some  Basque  vessel.     The  Basques,  or 
Biscayans,  were  among  the  first  to  engage  in  the  New  England  fisheries. 

3  A  port  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay. 

4  Cape  Cod. 


GOSNOLD    AT    CUTTYHUNK.  205 

marching  all  that  afternoon,  with  our  muskets  on  our 
necks,  on  the  highest  hills  which  we  saw,  —  the  weather 
very  hot,  —  at  length  we  perceived  this  headland  to  be 
parcel  of  the  main,  and  sundry  islands  lying  almost' 
round  about  it.  So  returning  towards  evening  to 
our  shallop,  —  for  by  that  time  the  other  part  was 
brought  ashore,  and  set  together,  —  we  espied  an 
Indian,  a  young  man  of  proper  stature,  and  of  a 
pleasing  countenance  ;  and,  after  some  familiarity  with 
him,  we  left  him  at  the  seaside,  and  returned  to  our 
ship,  where,  in  five  or  six  hours'  absence,  we  had  pes 
tered  l  our  ship  so  with  codfish,  that  we  threw  numbers 
of  them  overboard  again.  And  surely,  I  am  persuaded, 
that  in  the  months  of  March,  April,  and  May,  there  is 
upon  this  coast  better  fishing,  and  in  as  great  plenty, 
as  in  Newfoundland  ;  for  the  skulls  of  mackerel,  her 
rings,  cod,  and  other  fish,  that  we  daily  saw  as  we  went 
and  came  from  the  shore,  were  wonderful.  And 
besides,  the 'places  where  we  took  these  cods,  and 
might  in  a  few  days  have  laden  our  ship,  were  but  in 
seven  fathoms  water,  and  within  less  than  a  league  from 
the  shore ;  where,2  in  Newfoundland,  they  fish  in  forty 
or  fifty  fathoms  water,  and  far  off. 

From  this  place  we  sailed  round  about  this  headland 
almost  all  the  points  of  the  compass,  the  shore  very 
bold  ;  but,  as  no  coast  is  free  from  dangers,  so  I  am 
persuaded  this  is  as  free  as  any.  The  land  somewhat 
low,  full  of  goodly  woods,  but  in  some  places  plain. 
At  length  we  were  come  amongst  many  fair  islands, 
which  we  had  partly  discerned  at  our  first  landing,  all 
lying  within  a  league  or  two  one  of  another,  and  the 

1  Crowded.  2  Whereas. 


206  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

outermost  not  above  five  or  seven  leagues  from  the 
main.  But  coming  to  an  anchor  under  one  of  them,1 
which  was  about  three  or  four  leagues  from  the  main, 
Captain  Gosnold,  myself,  and  some  others,  went  ashore  ; 
and,  going  round  about  it,  we  found  it  to  be  four  Eng 
lish  miles  in  compass,  without  house  or  inhabitant, 
saving  a  little  old  house  made  of  boughs  covered  with 
bark,  an  old  piece  of  a  weir  of  the  Indians  to  catch 
fish,  and  one  or  two  places  where  they  had  made  fires. 
The  chiefest  trees  of  this  island  are  beeches  and 
cedars,  the  outward  parts  all  overgrown  with  low, 
bushy  trees  three  or  four  feet  in  height,  which  bear 
some  kind  of  fruits,  as  appeared  by  their  blossoms  ; 
strawberries,  red  and  white,  as  sweet  and  much  bigger 
than  ours  in  England  ;  raspberries,  gooseberries,  whor 
tleberries,  and  such  an  incredible  store  of  vines,  as  well 
in  the  woody  part  of  the  island,  where  they  run  upon 
every  tree,  as  on.  the  outward  parts,  so  that  we  could 
not  go  for  treading  upon  them  ;  also  many  springs  of 
excellent  sweet  water,  and  a  great  standing  lake  of 
fresh  water  near  the  seaside  an  English  mile  in  com 
pass,  which  is  maintained  with  the  springs,  running 
exceeding  pleasantly  through  the  woody  grounds,  which 
are  very  rocky.  Here  are  also  in  this  island  great  store 
of  deer,  which  we  saw,  and  other  beasts,  as  appeared  by 
their  tracks  ;  as  also  divers  fowls,  as  cranes,  hernshaws,2 
bitterns,  geese,  mallards,  teals,  and  other  fowl  in  great 
plenty  ;  also  great  store  of  peas,  which  grow  in  certain 
plots  all  the  island  over.  On  the  north  side  of  this 
island  we  found  many  huge  bones  and  ribs  of  whales. 
From  hence  we  went  to  another  island  to  the  north- 

i  No  Man's  Land.  '-  Herons. 


GOSNOLD    AT    CUTTYHUNK.  2 07 

west  of  this,  and  within  a  league  or  two  of  the  main, 
which  we  found  to  be  greater  than  before  we  imagined, 
being  sixteen  English  miles,  at  the  least,  in  compass  ; 
for  it  containeth  many  pieces  or  necks  of  land,  which 
differ  nothing  from  several  islands,  saving  that  certain 
banks  of  small  breadth  do  like  bridges  join  them  to 
this  island.  On  the  outside  of  this  island  are  many 
plain  places  of  grass,  abundance  of  strawberries,  and 
other  berries  before  mentioned.  In  mid-May  we  did 
sow  in  this  island,  for  a  trial,  in  sundry  places,  wheat, 
barley,  oats,  and  peas,  which  in  fourteen  days  were 
sprung  up  nine  inches,  and  more.  The  soil  is  fat  and 
lusty,  the  upper  crust  of  gray  color,  but  a  foot  or  less 
in  depth,  of  the  color  of  our  hemp-lands  in  England, 
and  being  thus  apt  for  these  and  the  like  grains. 
The  sowing  or  setting  —  after  the  ground  is  closed  —  is 
no  greater  labor  than  if  you  should  set  or  sow  in  one  of 
our  best  prepared  gardens  in  England.  This  island  is 
full  of  high  timbered  oaks,  their  leaves  thrice  so  broad 
as  ours ;  cedars,  straight  arid  tall ;  beech,  elm  holly, 
walnut-trees  in  abundance,  the  fruit  as  big  as  ours,  as 
appeared  by  those  we  found  under  the  trees,  which  had 
lain  all  the  year  ungathered  ;  hazelnut-trees,  cherry- 
trees,  the  leaf,  bark,  and  bigness  not  differing  from  ours 
in  England,  but  the  stalk  beareth  the  blossoms  or  fruit 
at  the  end  thereof,  like  a  cluster  of  grapes,  forty  or  fifty 
in  a  bunch ;  sassafras-trees,  great  plenty  all  the  island 
over,  a  tree  of  high  price  and  profit ;  also  divers  other 
fruit-trees,  some  of  them  with  strange  barks  of  an  orange 
color,  in  feeling  soft  and  smooth  like  velvet :  in  the 
thickest  parts  of  these  woods  you  may  see  a  furlong  or 
more  round  about. 


2O8  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

On  the  north-west  side  of  this  island,  near  to  the  sea 
side,  is  a  standing  lake  of  fresh  water,  almost  three 
English  miles  in  compass,  in  the  midst  whereof  stands 
a  plot  of  woody  ground,  an  acre  in  quantity,  or  not 
above.  This  lake  is  full  of  small  tortoises,  and  exceed 
ingly  frequented  with  all  sorts  of  fowls,  before  rehearsed,1 
which  breed,  some  low  on  the  banks,  and  others  on  low 


GOSNOI.D'S  FORT. 

trees  about  this  lake,  in  great  abundance,  whose  young 
ones  of  all  sorts  we  took  and  ate  at  our  pleasure  ;  but 
all  these  fowls  are  much  bigger  than  ours  in  England. 
Also  in  every  island,  and  almost  in  every  part  of  every 
island,  are  great  store  of  ground-nuts,  forty  together 
on  a  string,  some  of  them  as  big  as  hen's  eggs  :  they 

1  Enumerated. 


GOSNOLD    AT    CUTTYHUNK.  209 

grow  not  two  inches  under  ground,  the  which  nuts  we 
found  to  be  as  good  as  potatoes.  Also  divers  sorts  of 
shell-fish,  as  scallops,  mussels,  cockles,  lobsters,  crabs, 
oysters,  and  whelks,  exceeding  good  and  very  great.  .  .  . 
Now  the  next  day,  we  determined  to  fortify  ourselves 
in  a  little  plot  of  ground  in  the  midst  of  the  lake  above^ 
mentioned,  where  we  built  our  house,  and  covered  it 
with  sedge,  which  grew  about  this  lake  in  great  abun 
dance  ;  in  building  whereof  we  spent  three  weeks,  and 
more.  But,  the  second  day  after  our  coming  from  the 
main,  we  espied  eleven  canoes  or  boats,  with  fifty 
Indians  in  them,  coming  toward  us  from  this  part  of 
the  main,  where  we  two  days  before  landed  ;  and,  being 
loath  they  should  discover  our  fortification,  we  went  out 
on  the  seaside  to  meet  them.  And,  coming  somewhat 
near  them,  they  all  sat  down  upon  the  stones,  calling 
aloud  to  us,  as  we  rightly  guessed,  to  do  the  like,  a  little 
distance  from  them.  Having  sat  a  while  in  this  order, 
Captain  Gosnold  willed  me  to  go  unto  them  to  see 
what  countenance l  they  would  make  ;  but,  as  soon  as  I 
came  up  unto  them,  one  of  them,  to  whom  I  had  given 
a  knife  two  days  before  in  the  main,  knew  me,  whom  I 
also  very  well  remembered,  and,  smiling  upon  me,  spake 
somewhat  unto  their  lord  or  captain,  which  sat  in  the 
midst  of  them,  who  presently  rose  up,  and  took  a  large 
beaver-skin  from  one  that  stood  about  him,  and  gave  it 
unto  me,  which  I  requited  for  that  time  the  best  I  could. 
But  I,  pointing  towards  Captain  Gosnold,  made  signs 
unto  him  that  he  was  our  captain,  and  desirous  to  be  his 
friend,  and  enter  league  with  him,  which,  as  I  perceive, 
he  understood,  and  made  signs  of  joy.  Whereupon 

1  Behavior. 


210  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

Captain  Gosnold,  with  the  rest  of  his  company,  being 
twenty  in  all,  came  up  unto  them,  and  after  many  signs 
of  gratulations,  —  Captain  Gosnold  presenting  their  lord 
with  certain  trifles  which  they  wondered  at  and  highly 
esteemed,  —  we  became  very  great  friends,  and  sent 
•for  meat  aboard  our  shallop,  and  gave  them  such  meats 
as  we  had  then  ready  dressed  ;  whereof  they  mistiked 
nothing  but  our  mustard,  whereat  they  made  many  a 
sour  face.  .  .  . 

So  the  rest  of  the  day  we  spent  in  trading  with  them 
for  furs,  which  are  beavers,  luzernes,  martens,  otters, 
wildcat-skins,  —  very  large  and  deep  fur,  —  black  foxes, 
coney  skins,  of  the  color  of  our  hares,  but  somewhat 
less,  deer-skins  very  large,  seal-skins,  and  other  beasts' 
skins,  to  us  unknown.  They  have  also  great  store  of 
copper,  some  very  red,  and  some  of  a  paler  color  :  none 
of  them  but  have  chains,  ear-rings,  or  collars  of  this 
metal.  They  head  some  of  their  arrows  herewith,  much 
like  our  broad  arrow-heads,  very  workmanly  made. 
Their  chains  are  many  hollow  pieces  cemented  together, 
each  piece  of  the  bigness  of  one  of  our  reeds,  a  finger 
in  length,  ten  or  twelve  of  them  together  on  a  string, 
which  they  wear  about  their  necks.  Their  collars  they 
wear  about  their  bodies,  like  bandoleers,1  a  handful 
broad,  all  hollow  pieces  like  the  other,  but  somewhat 
shorter,  four  hundred  pieces  in  a  collar,  very  fine  and 
evenly  set  together.  Besides  these,  they  have  large 
drinking-cups  made  like  skulls,  and  other  thin  plates  of 
copper,  made  much  like  our  boar  spear  blades,  all  which 
they  so  little  esteem  as  they  offered  their  fairest  collars 
or  chains  for  a  knife  or  such  like  trifle ;  but  we  seemed 

1  A  belt  with  cartridge-boxes. 


G:SNOLD  AT  CUTTYHUNK.  211 

little  to  regard  it.  Yet  I  was  desirous  to  understand 
where  they  had  such  store  of  this  metal,  and  made  signs 
to  one  of  them,  with  whom  I  was  very  familiar,  who, 
taking  a  piece  of  copper  in  his  hand,  made  a  hole  with 
his  finger  in  the  ground,  and  withal  pointed  to  the  main l 
from  whence  they  came.  .  .  . 

Thus  they  continued  with  us  three  days,  every  night 
retiring  themselves  to  the  furthermost  part  of  our 
island,  two  or  three  miles  from  our  fort;  but  the  fourth 
day  they  returned  to  the  main,  pointing  five  or  six 
times  to  the  sun,  and  once  to  the  main,  which  we 
understood  [to  mean]  that,  within  five  or  six  days,  they 
would  come  from  the  main  to  us  again.  But,  being  in 
their  canoes  a  little  from  the  shore,  they  made  huge 
cries  and  shouts  of  joy  unto  us  ;  and  we  with  our  trum 
pet  and  cornet,  and  casting  up  our  caps  into  the  air, 
made  them  the  best  farewell  we  could.  Yet  six  or 
seven  of  them  remained  with  us  behind,  bearing  us 
company  every  day  into  the  woods,  and  helped  us  to 
cut  and  carry  our  sassafras,  and  some  of  them  lay2 
aboard  our  ship. 

These  people,  as  they  are  exceeding  courteous,  gentle 
of  disposition,  and  well  conditioned,  exceeding  all 
others  that  we  have  seen,  so  for  shape  of  body  and 
lovely  favor,  I  think  they  excel  all  the  people  of  Ameri 
ca.  [They  are]  of  stature  much  higher  than  we  ;  of 
complexion  or  color  much  like  a  dark  olive  ;  their 
eyebrows  and  hair  black,  which  they  wear  long,  tied  up 
behind  in  knots,  whereon  they  prick  feathers  of  fowls, 
in  fashion  of  a  coronet.  Some  of  them  are  black,  thin- 
bearded.  They  make  beards  of  the  hair  of  beasts ; 

1  Mainland.  -  Slept. 


212  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

and  one  of  them  offered  a  beard  of  their  making  to 
one  of  our  sailors,  for  his  that  grew  on  his  face,  which, 
because  it  was  of  a  red  color,  they  judged  to  be  none 
of  his  own.  They  are  quick-eyed,  and  steadfast  in 
their  looks,  fearless  of  others'  harms,  as  intending 
none  themselves;  some  of  the  meaner  sort  given  to 
filching,  which  the  very  name  of  savages,  not  weighing 
their  ignorance  in  good  or  evil,  may  easily  excuse. 
Their  garments  are  of  deer-skins  ;  and  some  of  them 
wear  furs  round  and  close  about  their  necks.  They 
pronounce  our  language  with  great  facility ;  for  one  of 
them  one  day  sitting  by  me,  upon  occasion  I  spake 
smiling  to  him  these  words,  "  How  now,  sirrah,  are  you 
so  saucy  with  my  tobacco  ? "  which  words,  without  any 
further  repetition,  he  suddenly  spake  so  plain  and 
distinctly,  as  if  he  had  been  a  long  scholar  in  the  lan 
guage.  Many  other  such  trials  we  had,  which  are 
here  needless  to  repeat.  .  .  . 

But  after  our  bark  had  taken  in  so  much  sassafras,1 
cedar,  firs,  skins,  and  other  commodities,  as  were 
thought  convenient,  some  of  our  company  that  had 
promised  Captain  Gosnold  to  stay,  having  nothing  but  a 
saving2  voyage  in  their  minds,  made  our  company  of 
inhabitants,  which  was  small  enough  before,  much 
smaller;  so  as3  Captain  Gosnold  seeing  his  whole 
strength  to  consist  but  of  twelve  men,  and  they  but 
meanly  provided,  determined  to  return  for  England, 
leaving  this  island,  which  he  called  Elizabeth's  Island,4 
with  as  many  true  sorrowful  eyes  as  were  before  de 
sirous  to  see  it.  So  the  i8th  of  June,  being  Friday,  we 

1  Then  much  valued  as  a  medicine.  2  Profitable. 

3  That.  4  Now  called  by  its  Indian  name  of  Cuttyhunk. 


CAPTAIN    WAYMOUTH    CAPTURES    INDIANS.          213 

weighed,  and  with  indifferent  fair  wind  and  weather 
came  to  anchor  the  23d  of  July,  being  also  Friday,  in 
all  bare  five  weeks,  before  Exmouth. 

Your  Lordship's  to  command, 

JOHN  BRERETON. 


II. — CAPTAIN  WAYMOUTH  CAPTURES  INDIANS,  AND 

EXPLORES    THE    PENOBSCOT    RlVER. 
[Captain  George  Waymouth,  or  Weymouth,  sailed  from  England  in  1605.] 

WEDNESDAY  the  twenty-ninth  day  [of  May],  our 
shallop  being  now  finished,  and  our  captain  and  men 
furnished  to  depart  with  her  from  the  ship,  we  set  up  a 
cross  on  the  shore-side  upon  the  rocks. 

Thursday,  the  3oth  of  May,  about  ten  o'clock  before 
noon,  our  captain,  with  thirteen  men  more,  in  the  name 
of  God,  and  with  all  our  prayers  for  our  prosperous 
discovery  and  safe  return,  departed  in  the  shallop ; 
leaving  the  ship  in  a  good  harbor,  which  before  I 
mentioned,  well  moored,  and  manned  with  fourteen  men. 

This  day,  about  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  we  in 
the  ship  espied  three  canoes  coming  towards  us,  which 
went  to  the  island  adjoining,  where  they  went  ashore, 
and  very  quickly  had  made  a  fire,  about  which  they 
stood  beholding  our  ship,  to  whom  we  made  signs  with 
our  hands  and  hats,  waving  unto  them  to  come  unto 
us,  because  we  had  not  seen  any  of  the  people  yet. 
They  sent  one  canoe  with  three  men,  one  of  wrhich, 
when  they  came  near  unto  us,  spake  in  his  language 
very  loud  and  very  boldly,  seeming  as  though  he 
would  know  why  we  were  there ;  and  by  pointing  with 


214  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

his  oar  towards  the  sea,  we  conjectured  he  meant  we 
should  be  gone.  But  when  we  showed  them  knives 
and  their  use,  by  cutting  of  sticks ;  and  other  trifles,  as 
combs  and  glasses,  they  came  close  aboard  our  ship,  as 
desirous  to  entertain  our  friendship.  To  these  we  gave 
such  things  as  we  perceived  they  liked,  when  we  showed 
them  the  use,  —  bracelets,  rings,  peacock-feathers,  which 
they  stuck  in  their  hair,  and  tobacco-pipes.  After  their 
departure  to  their  company  on  the  shore,  presently 
came  four  others  in  another  canoe  ;  to  whom  we  gave 
as  to  the  former,  using  them  with  as  much  kindness  as 
we  could. 

The  shape  of  their  body  is  very  proportionable. 
They  are  well  countenanced,  not  very  tall  nor  big,  but 
in  stature  like  to  us.  They  paint  their  bodies  with 
black ;  their  faces,  some  with  red,  some  with  black,  and 
some  with  blue. 

Their  clothing  is  beaver-skins  or  deer-skins  cast  over 
them  like  a  mantle,  and  hanging  down  to  their  knees, 
made  fast  together  upon  the  shoulder  with  leather  : 
some  of  them  had  sleeves,  most  had  none  ;  some  had 
buskins  of  such  leather  sewed.  .  .  . 

The  next  morning,  very  early,  came  one  canoe  aboard 
us  again,  with  three  savages,  whom  we  easily  then 
enticed  into  our  ship,  and  under  the  deck,  where  we 
gave  them  pork,  fisji,  bread,  and  peas,  all  which  they 
did  eat ;  and  this  I  noted,  they  would  eat  nothing  raw, 
either  fish  or  flesh.  They  marvelled  much,  and  much 
looked  upon  the  making  of  our  can  and  kettle,  so  they 
did  at  a  head-piece,1  and  at  our  guns,  of  which  they 
are  most  fearful,  and  would  fall  flat  down  at  the  report 

1  Of  armor. 


CAPTAIN    WAYMOUTH    CAPTURES    INDIANS.          215 

of  them.  At  their  departure,  I  signed  unto  them,  that, 
if  they  would  bring  me  back  such  skins  as  they  wear,  I 
would  give  them  knives,  and  such  things  as  I  saw  they 
most  liked,  which  the  chief  of  them  promised  to  do 
by  that  time  the  sun  should  be  beyond  the  midst  of  the 
firmament.1  This  I  did  to  bring  them  to  an  under 
standing  of  exchange,  and  that  they  might  conceive  the 
intent  of  our  coming  to  them  to  be  for  no  other 
end.  .  .  . 

I  return  now  to  our  savages,  who,  according  to  their 
appointment,  about  one  o'clock,  came  with  four  canoes 
to  the  shore  of  the  island  right  over  against  us,  where 
they  had  lodged  the  last  night,  and  sent  one  canoe  to 
us  with  two  of  those  savages  who  had  been  aboard, 
and  another  who  then  seemed  to  have  command  of 
them  ;  for  though  we  perceived  their  willingness,  yet 
he  would  not  permit  them  to  come  aboard ;  but  he, 
having  viewed  us  and  our  ship,  signed  that  he  would 
go  to  the  rest  of  the  company,  and  return  again.  Pres 
ently  after  their  departure,  it  began  to  rain,  and  con 
tinued  all  that  afternoon,  so  as  they  could  not  come  to 
us  with  their  skins  and  furs,  nor  we  go  to  them.  But, 
after  an  hour  or  thereabout,  the  three  which  had  been 
with  us  before  came  again,  whom  we  had  to  our  fire, 
and  covered  them  with  our  gowns.  Our  captain  be 
stowed  a  shirt  upon  him,  whom  we  thought  to  be  their 
chief,  who  seemed  never  to  have  seen  any  before. 
We  gave  him  a  brooch  to  hang  about  his  neck,  a  great 
knife,  and  lesser  knives  to  the  two  other  ;  and  to  every 
one  of  them  a  comb  and  glass,  the  use  whereof  we 
showed  them ;  whereat  they  laughed  and  took  these 

1  i.e.,  in  the  afternoon. 


2l6  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

presents  gladly.  We  victualled J  them,  and  gave  them 
aqua  vit<z?  which  they  tasted,  but  would  by  no  means 
drink.  Our  beverage  they  liked  well.  We  gave  them 
sugar-candy,  which  after  they  had  tasted  they  liked, 
and  desired  more,  and  raisins  which  were  given  them ; 
and  some  of  every  thing  they  would  reserve  to  carry  to 
their  company.  Wherefore  we,  pitying  their  being  in 
the  rain,  and  therefore  not  able  to  get  themselves 
victual,  as  we  thought,  we  gave  them  bread  and 
fish. 

Thus,  because  we  found  the  land  a  place  answerable 
to  the  intent  of  our  discovery,  namely,  fit  for  any  nation 
to  inhabit,  we  used  the  people  with  as  great  kindness 
as  we  could  devise,  or  found  them  capable  of. 

The  next  day  being  Saturday,  and  the  ist  of  June, 
I  traded  with  the  savages  all  the  forenoon  upon  the 
shore,  where  were  eight  and  twenty  of  them ;  and, 
because  our  ship  rode  nigh,  we  were  but  five  or  six  ; 
where,  for  knives,  glasses,  combs,  and  other  trifles,  to 
the  value  of  four  or  five  shillings,  we  had  forty  good 
beavers'  skins,  otters'  skins,  sables,  and  other  small 
skins  which  we  knew  not  how  to  call.  Our  trade  being 
ended,  many  of  them  came  aboard  us,  and  did  eat  by 
our  fire,  and  would  be  very  merry  and  bold  in  regard 
of  our  kind  usage  of  them.  Towards  night,  our  cap 
tain  went  on  shore  to  have  a  draught  with  the  seine,  or 
net.  And  we  carried  two  of  them  with  us,  who  mar 
velled  to  see  us  catch  fish  with  a  net.  Most  of  that  we 
caught  we  gave  them  and  their  company.  Then  on  the 
shore  I  learned  the  names  of  divers  things  of  them  ; 
and,  when  they  perceived  me  to  note  them  down,  they 

1  Fed.  2  Brandy. 


CAPTAIN    WAYMOUTH    CAPTURES    INDIANS.          217 

would  of  themselves  fetch  fish  and  fruit-bushes,  and 
stand  by  me  to  see  me  write  their  names. 

Our  captain  showed  them  a  strange  thing,  which  they 
wondered  at.  His  sword  and  mine,  having  been  touched 
with  the  loadstone,  took  up  a  knife,  and  held  it  fast 
when  they  plucked  it  away,  made  the  knife  turn,  —  being 
laid  on  a  block,  —  and,  touching  it  with  his  sword,  made 
that  take  up  a  needle,  whereat  they  much  marvelled. 
This  we  did  to  cause  them  to  imagine  some  great  power 
in  us,  and  for  that  to  love  and  fear  us.  ... 

Our  captain  had  two  of  them  at  supper  with  us  in  his 
cabin,  to  see  their  demeanor,  and  had  them  in  presence 
at  service,1  who  behaved  themselves  very  civilly,  neither 
laughing  nor  talking  all  the  time,  and  at  supper  fed  not 
like  men  of  rude  education ;  neither  would  they  eat 
or  drink  more  than  seemed  to  content  nature.  They 
desired  peas  to  carry  ashore  to  their  women,  which  we 
gave  them,  with  fish  and  bread,  and  lent  them  pewter 
dishes,  which  they  carefully  brought  again.  .  .  . 

This  day,  about  five  o'clock,  afternoon,  came  three 
other  canoes  from  the  main,  of  which  some  had  been 
with  us  before  ;  and  they  came  aboard  us,  and  brought 
us  tobacco,  which  we  took  with  them  in  their  pipes, 
which  were  made  of  earth,  very  strong,  black,  and  short, 
containing  a  great  quantity.  Some  tobacco  they  gave 
unto  our  captain,  and  some  to  me,  in  very  civil,  kind 
manner  :  we  requited  them  with  bread  and  peas,  which 
they  carried  to  their  company  on  shore,  seeming  very 
thankful.  After  supper  they  returned  with  their  canoe, 
to  fetch  us  ashore,  to  take  tobacco  with  them  there, 
with  whom  six  or  seven  of  us  went,  and  carried  some 

*  Prayers. 


2l8  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

trifles,  if  peradventure  they  had  any  truck,1  among 
which  I  carried  some  few  biscuits,  to  try  if  they  would 
exchange  for  them,  seeirg  they  so  well  liked  to  eat  them. 
When  we  came  at  shore,  they  most  kindly  entertained 
us,  taking  us  by  the  hands,  as  they  observed  we  did  to 
them  aboard,  in  token  of  welcome,  and  brought  us  to 
sit  down  by  their  fire,  where  sat  together  thirteen  of 
them.  They  filled  their  tobacco-pipe,  which  was  then 
the  short  claw  of  a  lobster,  which  will  hold  ten  of  our 
pipes  full,  and  we  drank 2  of  their  excellent  tobacco  as 
much  as  we  would  with  them.  But  we  saw  not  any  great 
quantity  to  truck 3  for  ;  and  it  seemed  they  had  not 
much  left  of  old,  for  they  spend  a  great  quantity  yearly 
by  their  continual  drinking.  And  they  would  sign  unto 
us  that  it  was  grown  yet  but  a  foot  above  ground,  and 
would  be  above  a  yard  high,  with  a  leaf  as  broad  as 
both  their  hands.  .  .  . 

About  eight  o'clock  this  day,  we  went  on  shore  with 
our  boats,  to  fetch  aboard  water  and  wood ;  our  captain 
leaving  word  with  the  gunner  in  the  ship,  by  discharging 
a  musket,  to  give  notice,  if  they  espied  any  canoe  com 
ing  ;  which  they  did  about  ten  o'clock.  He,  therefore, 
being  careful  they  should  be  kindly  treated,  requested 
me  to  go  aboard,  intending  with  despatch  to  make  what 
haste  after  he  possibly  could.  When  I  came  to  the 
ship,  there  were  two  canoes,  and  in  either  of  them  three 
savages,  of  whom  two  were  below  at  the  fire :  the  others 
staid  in  their  canoes  about  the  ship,  and,  because  we 
could  not  entice  them  aboard,  we  gave  them  a  can  of 

1  i.e.,  any  thing  to  truck  or  trade  for. 

2  Smoked.     This  word  was  formerly  much  used  in  describing  the  use 
of  tobacco.  3  Trade. 


CAPTAIN    WAYMOUTH    CAPTURES    INDIANS.  2 19 

peas  and  bread,  which  they  carried  to  the  shore  to  eat. 
But  one  of  them  brought  back  our  can  presently,  and 
staid  aboard  with  the  other  two  ;  for  he,  being  young, 
of  a  ready  capacity,  and  one  we  most  desired  to  bring 
with  us  into  England,  had  received  exceeding  kind 
usage  at  our  hands,  and  was  therefore  much  delighted 
in  our  company.  When  our  captain  was  come,  we  con 
sulted  how  to  catch  the  other  three  at  shore,  which  we 
performed  thus  :  — 

We  manned  the  light  horseman  l  with  seven  or  eight 
men.  One  standing  before  carried  our  box  of  merchan 
dise,  as  we  were  wont  when  I  went  to  traffic  with  them, 
and  a  platter  of  peas,  which  meat 2  they  loved.  But, 
before  we  were  landed,  one  of  them  (being  so  suspi 
ciously  fearful  of  his  own  good)  withdrew  himself  into 
the  wood.  The  other  two  met  us  on  the  shore-side,  to 
receive  the  peas,  with  whom  we  went  up  the  cliff  to 
their  fire,  and  sat  down  with  them  ;  and  while  we  were 
discussing  how  to  catch  the  third  man,  who  was  gone, 
I  opened  the  box,  and  showed  them  trifles  to  exchange, 
thinking  thereby  to  have  banished  fear  from  the  other, 
and  drawn  him  to  return.  But,  when  we  could  not,  we 
used  little  delay,  but  suddenly  laid  hands  upon  them. 
And  it  was  as  much  as  five  or  six  of  us  could  do  to  get 
them  into  the  light  horseman  ;  for  they  were  strong,  and 
so  naked  as 8  by  far  our  best  hold  was  by  the  long  hair 
on  their  heads.  And  we  would  have  been  very  loath  to 
have  done  them  any  hurt,  which  of  necessity  we  had 
been  constrained  to  have  done  if  we  had  attempted 
them  in  a  multitude,  which  we  must  and  would,  rather 

1  A  kind  of  boat  similar  to  what  is  now  called  a  gig. 

2  Food.  3  That. 


220  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

than  have  wanted  them,  being  a  matter  of  great  impor 
tance  for  the  full  accomplishment  of  our  voyage. 

Thus  we  shipped  five  savages,  two  canoes,  with  all 
their  bows  and  arrows.  .  .  .  Tuesday,  the  nth  of  June, 
we  passed  up  into  the  river l  with  our  ship  about  six 
and  twenty  miles,  of  which  I  had  rather  not  write  than 
by  my  relation  to  detract  from  the  worthiness  there 
of.  ... 

As  we  passed  with  a  gentle  wind  up  with  our  ship  in 
this  river,  any  man  may  conceive  with  what  admiration 
we  all  consented2  in  joy.  Many  of  our  company  who 
had  been  travellers  in  sundry  countries,  and  in  the 
most  famous  rivers,  yet  affirmed  them  not  comparable  to 
this  they  now  beheld.  Some  that  were  with  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  in  his  voyage  to  Guiana,  in  the  discovery  of 
the  River  Orenoque,3  which  echoed  fame  to  the  world's 
ears,  gave  reasons  why  it  was  not  to  be  compared  with 
this,  which  wanteth  the  danger  of  many  shoals  and 
broken  ground,  wherewith  that  was  encumbered.  Others 
before  that  notable  river  in  the  West  Indies  called  Rio 
Grande  ;  some  before  the  River  of  Loire,  the  River 
Seine,  and  of  Bourdeaux,  in  France,  which,  although 
they  be  great  and  goodly  rivers,  yet  it  is  no  detraction 
from  them  to  be  accounted  inferior  to  this,  which  not 
only  yieldeth  all  the  aforesaid  pleasant  profits,  but  also 
appeareth  infallibly  to  us  free  from  all  inconveniences. 

I  will  not  prefer  it  before  our  River  of  Thames, 
because  it  is  England's  richest  treasure  ;  but  we  all  did 
wish  those  excellent  harbors,  good  deeps  in  a  continual 
convenient  breadth,  and  small  tide-gates,  to  be  as  well 
therein  for  our  country's  good  as  we  found  them  here 
l  Probably  the  Penobscot.  2  Agreed.  3  Orinoco. 


CAPTAIN    WAYMOUTH    CAPTURES    INDIANS.  221 

—  beyond  our  hopes  —  in  certain,  for  those  to  whom 
it  shall  please  God  to  grant  this  land  for  habitation  ; 
which  if  it  had,  with  the  other  inseparable  adherent 
commodities  here  to  be  found,  then  I  would  boldly 
affirm  it  to  be  the  most  rich,  beautiful,  large,  and  secure 
harboring  river  that  the  world  affordeth.  .  .  .  Further, 
I  have  thought  fit  to  add  some  things  worthy  to  be 
regarded,  which  we  have  observed  from  the  savages 
since  we  took  them. 

First,  although  at  the  time  we  surprised  them,  they 
made  their  best  resistance,  not  knowing  our  purpose, 
nor  what  we  were,  not  how  we  meant  to  use  them  ; 
yet,  after  perceiving  by  their  kind  usage  we  intended 
them  no  harm,  they  have  never  since  seemed  discon 
tented  with  us,  but  very  tractable,  loving,  and  willing 
by  their  best  means  to  satisfy  us  in  any  thing  we  de 
mand  of  them,  by  words  or  signs  for  their  understand 
ing.  Neither  have  they  at  any  time  been  at  the  least 
discord  among  themselves,  insomuch  as  we  have  not 
seen  them  angry,  but  merry,  and  so  kind,  as,  if  you 
give  any  thing  to  one  of  them,  he  will  distribute  part  to 
every  one  of  the  rest. 

We  have  brought  them  to  understand  some  English, 
and  we  understand  much  of  their  language,  so  as  we 
are  able  to  ask  them  many  things. 

[The  Indians  thus  carried  to  England  were  the  objects  of  great  won 
der,  and  crowds  of  people  followed  them  in  the  streets.  It  is  thought 
that  Shakspeare  may  have  referred  to  them  in  the  Tempest,  written  a  few 
years  later,  about  1610.  Trinculo  there  wishes  to  take  the  monster  Cali 
ban  to  England,  and  says,  "Not  a  holiday  fool  there  but  would  give  a 
piece  of  silver ;  there  would  this  monster  make  a  man  ;  any  strange  beast 
there  makes  a  man.  When  they  will  not  give  a  doit  to  relieve  a  lame 
beggar,  they  will  lay  out  ten  to  see  a  dead  Indian."] 


222 


UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 


III.  —  THE  POPHAM  COLONY  ON  THE  KENNEBEC. 

[So  much  interest  was  excited  by  the  voyages  of  Gosnold  and  Way- 
mouth,  that  two  companies  were  formed  in  England  for  the  settlement  of 
America,  —  the  London  Company  and  the  Plymouth  Company.  Each 
company  sent  out  a  colony  in  1606;  but  the  ship  sent  by  the  Plymouth 
Company  was  taken  by  a  Spanish  fleet,  while  the  other  colony  reached  Vir 
ginia.  Then  in  June,  1607,  the  Plymouth  Company  sent  another  colony, 
under  command  of  Captain  George  Popham,  he  being  in  a  vessel  called 
"The  Gift  of  God,"  accompanied  by  "The  Mary  and  John,"  Captain 
Raleigh  Gilbert.  They  reached  the  mouth  of  the  River  Sachadehoc,  or 
Kennebec,  in  August ;  and  the  narrative  proceeds  as  follows,  as  told  by 
Strachey,  secretary  of  the  Virginia  Colony.] 

CAPTAIN  POPHAM,  in  his  pinnace,  with  thirty  persons, 
and  Captain  Gilbert  in  his  long-boat,  with  eighteen 
persons  more,  went  early  in  the  morning  from  their 

ship  into  the  River  Sachade 
hoc,  to  view  the  river,  and  to 
search  where  they  might  find 
a  fit  place  for  their  planta 
tion.  They  sailed  up  into 
the  river  near  forty  leagues, 
and  found  it  to  be  a  very 
gallant  river,  very  deep,  and 
seldom  less  water  than  three 
fathom,  .  .  .  whereupon  they 
proceeded  no  farther,  but,  in 
their  return  homewards,  ob 
served  many  goodly  islands 
therein,  and  many  branches  of  other  small  rivers  falling 
into  it. 

They  all  went  ashore,  and  there  made  choice  of  a 


JAMES   I. 


THE    POPHAM    COLONY    ON    THE    KENNEBEC.         223 

place  for  their  plantation,1  at  the  mouth  or  entry  of  the 
river  on  the  west  side,  —  for  the  river  bendeth  itself 
towards  the  nor'-east,  and  by  east,  —  being  almost  an 
island,  of  a  good  bigness,  being  in  a  province  called  by 
the  Indians  Sabino,  so  called  of  a  sagamo,  or  chief 
commander,  under  the  grand  Bassaba.2  As  they  were 
ashore,  three  canoes  full  of  Indians  came  to  them,  but 
would  not  come  near,  but  rowed  away  up  the  river. 

They  all  went  ashore  where  they  had  made  choice  of 
their  plantation,  and  where  they  had  a  sermon  deliv 
ered  unto  them  by  their  preacher  ;  and,  after  the  ser 
mon,  the  president's  commission  was  read,  with  the 
laws  to  be  observed  and  kept.  George  Popham,  gent.,3 
was  nominated  president.  Captain  Raleigh  Gilbert, 
James  Davies,  Richard  Lymer,  preacher,  Captain  Rich 
ard  Davies,  Captain  Harlow,  the  same  who  brought 
away  the  savages  at  this  time  showed  in  London,  from 
the  river  of  Canada,  were  all  sworn  assistants  ;  and  so 
they  returned  back  again. 

Aug.  20.  All  went  to  shore  again,  and  there  began 
to  intrench  and  make  a  fort,  and  to  build  a  store 
house.  .  .  . 

You  may  please  to  understand  how,  whilst  this  busi 
ness  was  thus  followed  here,  soon  after  their  first 
arrival,  that  [they]  had  despatched  away  Captain  Robert 
Davies,  in  the  "  Mary  and  John,"  to  advertise  of  their 
safe  arrival  and  forwardness  of  their  plantation  within 
this -River  of  Sachadehoc,  with  letters  to  the  lord  chief 

1  This  place  was  at  one  time  supposed  to  have  been  what  is  now  called 
Parker's  Island;  but  is  now  thought  to  have  been  Cape  Small  Point  on  the 
main  land,  near  the  site  of  the  present  Fort  Popham. 

2  Higher  chief.  3  Gentleman. 


224  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

justice,  importuning  a  supply  for  the  most  necessary 
wants  to  the  subsisting  of  a  colony  to  be  sent  unto 
them  betimes  the  next  year. 

After  Captain  Davies'  departure,  they  fully  finished 
the  fort,  trenched  and  fortified  it  with  twelve  pieces 
of  ordnance,  and  built  fifty  houses  therein,  besides  a 
church  and  a  storehouse  ;  and  the  carpenters  framed  a 
pretty  pinnace  *  of  about  some  thirty  tons,  which  they 
called  the  "  Virginia  ; "  the  chief  shipwright  being  one 
Digby  of  London. 

Many  discoveries,  likewise,  had  been  made  both  to 
the  main  and  unto  the  neighbor  rivers,  and  the  frontier 
nations  fully  discovered  by  the  diligence  of  Captain 
Gilbert,  had  not  the  winter  proved  so  extreme  unsea 
sonable  and  frosty  ;  for  it  being  in  the  year  1607,  when 
the  extraordinary  frost  was  felt  in  most  parts  of  Europe, 
it  was  here  likewise  as  vehement,  by  which  no  boat 
could  stir  upon  any  business.  Howbeit,  as  time  and 
occasion  gave  leave,  there  was  nothing  omitted  which 
could  add  unto  the  benefit  or  knowledge  of  the  plant 
ers,  for  which  when  Captain  Davies  arrived  there  in  the 
year  following,  —  set  out  from  Topsham,  the  port  town  of 
Exeter,  with  a  ship  laden  full  of  victuals,  arms,  instru 
ments,  and  tools,  &c.,  —  albeit  he  found  Mr.  George 
Popham,  the  president,  and  some  other  dead,  yet  he 
found  all  things  in  good  forwardness,  and  many  kinds 
of  furs  obtained  from  the  Indians  by  way  of  trade, 
good  store  of  sarsaparilla  gathered,  and  the  new 
pinnace  all  finished.  But  by  reason  that  Captain  Gilbert 
received  letters  that  his  brother  was  newly  dead,  and  a 
fair  portion  of  land  fallen  unto  his  share,  which  re- 
i  Vessel. 


GILBERT'S  ADVENTURE  WITH  THE  INDIANS.      225 

quired  his  repair l  home,  and  no  mines  discovered,  and 
no  hope  thereof,  —  being  the  main  intended  benefit  ex 
pected  to  uphold  the  charge  of  this  plantation,  —  and 
the  fear  that  all  other  winters  would  prove  like  the 
first,  the  company  by  no  means  would  stay  any  longer 
in  the  country,  especially  Captain  Gilbert  being  to  leave 
them,  and  Mr.  Popham,  as  aforesaid,  dead :  therefore 
they  all  embarked  in  this  new  arrived  ship,  and  in  the 
new  pinnace,  the  "Virginia,"  and  set  sail  for  England. 
And  this  was  the  end  of  that  northern  colony  upon  the 
River  Sachadehoc. 

[This  was  the  first  colony  that  spent  a  winter  in  New  England,  —  thir 
teen  years  before  the  Plymouth  Colony  arrived.  The  winter  was  an 
unusually  severe  one ;  and,  moreover,  the  chief  promoters  of  the  colony, 
Sir  John  Popham  and  Captain  Popham,  died.  But  for  this,  it  is  possible 
that  the  colony  might  have  remained  ;  and,  in  that  case,  Maine  would  have 
been  settled  only  a  year  later  than  Virginia.] 


IV.  —  CAPTAIN  GILBERT'S  ADVENTURE  WITH  THE 
INDIANS. 

[Captain  Gilbert,  the  companion  of  Captain  Popham,  went  up  the  River 
Kennebec,  or  Sachadehoc,  in  a  shallop  with  nineteen  men,  and  had  this 
adventure  with  Indians.] 

IN  the  morning  there  came  a  canoe  unto  them,  and 
in  her  a  sagamo 2  and  four  savages,  —  some  of  those 
which  spoke  to  them  the  night  before.  The  sagamo 
called  his  name  Lebenoa,  and  told  us  how  he  was  lord 
of  the  River  Sachadehoc.  They  entertained  him  friendly, 
and  took  him  into  their  boat,  and  presented  him  with 
i  Return.  2  chief. 


226  UNSUCCESSFUL    SETTLEMENTS. 

some  trifling  things,  which  he  accepted.  Howbeit,  he 
desired  some  one  of  our  men  to  be  put  in  his  canoe  as 
a  pawn  of  his  safety,  whereupon  Captain  Gilbert  sent 
in  a  man  of  his,  when  presently  the  canoe  rowed  away 
from  them,  with  all  the  speed  they  could  make,  up  the 
river.  They  followed  with  the  shallop,  having  great 
care  that  the  sagamo  should  not  leap  overboard.  The 
canoe  quickly  rowed  from  them,  and  landed  ;  and  the 
men  made  to  their  houses,  being  near  a  league  on  the 
land  from  the  river's  side,  and  carried  our  man  with 
them.  The  shallop,  making  good  way,  at  length  came 
to  another  downfall,1  which  was  so  shallow  and  so  swift 
that  by  no  means  they  could  pass  any  farther,  for  which 
Captain  Gilbert,  with  nine  others,  landed,  and  took  their 
fare,2  the  savage  sagamo,  with  them,  and  went  in  search 
after  those  other  savages,  whose  houses,  the  sagamo 
told  Captain  Gilbert,  were  not  far  off.  And,  after  a  good 
tedious  march,  they  came  indeed  at  length  unto  those 
savages'  houses,  where  [they]  found  near  fifty  able  men, 
very  strong  and  tall,  such  as  their  like  before  they  had 
not  seen,  all  newly  painted,  and  armed  with  their  bows 
and  arrows.  Howbeit,  after  that  the  sagamo  had  talked 
with  them,  they  delivered  back  again  the  man,  and  used 
all  the  rest  very  friendly,  as  did  ours  the  like  by  them, 
who  showed  them  their  commodities  of  beads,  knives, 
and  some  copper,  of  which  they  seemed  very  fond, 
and,  by  way  of  trade,  made  show  that  they  would  come 
down  to  the  boat,  and  there  bring  such  things  as  they 
had,  to  exchange  them  for  ours.  So  Captain  Gilbert 
departed  from  them  ;  and,  within  half  an  hour  after  he 
had  gotten  to  his  boat,  there  came  three  canoes  down 

1  Rapids.  2  Passenger. 


GILBERTS    ADVENTURE    WITH    THE    INDIANS.        227 

unto  them,  and  in  them  some  sixteen  savages,  and 
brought  with  them  some  tobacco,  and  certain  small 
skins,  which  were  of  no  value ;  which  Captain  Gilbert 
perceiving,  and  that  they  had  nothing  else  wherewith  to 
trade,  he  caused  all  his  men  to  come  aboard.  And,  as 
he  would  have  put  from  the  shore,  the  savages  perceiv 
ing  so  much,  subtly  devised  how  they  might  put  out 
the  fire  in  the  shallop,  by  which  means  they  saw  they 
should  be  free  from  the  danger  of  our  men's  pieces  ; l 
and,  to  perform  the  same,  one  of  the  savages  came  into 
the  shallop,  and  taking  the  firebrand  which  one  of  our 
company  held  in  his  hand  thereby  to  light  the  matches, 
as  if  he  would  light  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  as  soon  as  he 
had  gotten  it  into  his  hand  he  presently  threw  it  into 
the  water,  and  leaped  out  of  the  shallop.  Captain 
Gilbert,  seeing  that,  suddenly  commanded  his  men  to 
betake  them  to  their  muskets,  and  the  targetiers  too, 
from  the  head  of  the  boat ;  and  had  one  of  the  men 
before,  with  his  target  on  his  arm,  to  step  on  the  shore 
for  more  fire.  The  savages  resisted  him,  and  would 
not  suffer  him  to  take  any,  and  some  others  holding  fast 
the  boat-rope,  that  the  shallop  could  not  put  off.  Cap 
tain  Gilbert  caused  the  musketeers  to  present  their 
pieces,  the  which  the  savages  seeing,  presently  let  go 
the  boat-rope,  and  betook  them  to  their  bows  and 
arrows,  and  ran  into  the  bushes,  nocking2  their  arrows, 
but  did  not  shoot,  neither  did  ours  at  them.  So  the 
shallop  departed  from  them  to  the  farther  side  of  the 
river,  where  one  of  the  canoes  came  unto  them,  and 
would  have  excused  the  fault  of  the  others.  Captain 

1  The  guns  were  matchlocks,  for  which  fire -was  necessary. 

2  Notching,  putting  the  notch  against  the  string. 


228  UNSUCCESSFUL   SETTLEMENTS. 

Gilbert  made  show  as  if  he  were  still  friends,  and  enter 
tained  them  kindly,  and  so  left  them,  returning  to  the 
place  where  he  had  lodged  the  night  before,  and  there 
came  to  an  anchor  for  that  night. 


BOOK    XI. 

CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH  IN  VIRGINIA. 

(A.D.  1606-1631.) 


The  first  four  of  the  following  extracts  are  from  Smith's  "  Generall  His- 
torie  of  Virginia,  New  England,  and  the  Summer  Isles"  (edition  of  1626), 
pp.  39-49.  The  next  four  are  from  the  "  Historic  of  Travaile  into  Vir 
ginia  Britannia,"  by  William  Strachey,  secretary  of  the  Virginia  Colony. 
Reprinted  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  (1849),  pp.  49-52,  57,  58,  80,  81,  no, 
in.  The  ninth  is  from  the  "Generall  Historic,"  p.  219.  The  tenth  is 
from  "A  Description  of  New  England,  by  Captain  John  Smith,"  printed 
in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  3d  series,  vol.  vi.  pp.  109,  121. 
The  eleventh  is  from  the  "  Generall  Historic,"  pp.  121-123.  The  last  two 
are  from  "  Advertisements  for  the  Unexperienced  Planters  of  New  Eng 
land  or  anywhere,  by  Captaine  John  Smith,  sometimes  Governour  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  Admirall  of  New  England."  London,  1631.  Reprinted  in 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  3d  series,  vol.  iii.  pp.  7,  29,  30,  44.  There  is  a  memoir 
of  Captain  Smith,  by  G.  S.  Hillard,  in  Sparks's  "American  Biography," 
vol.  ii. 


CAPTAIN   JOHN    SMITH    IN   VIRGINIA. 


I.  —  CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH  IN  VIRGINIA. 

CAPTAIN  BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLL,1  one  of 
V_x'  the  first  movers  of  this  plantation,  having  many 
years  solicited  many  of  his  friends,  but  found  small 
assistance,  at  last  prevailed  with  some  gentlemen,  as 
Captain  John  Smith,  Mr.  Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  Mr. 
Robert  Hunt,  and  divers  others,  who  depended  2  a  year 
upon  his  projects;  but  nothing  could  be  effected,  till, 
by  their  great  charge  and  industry,  it  came  to  be  ap 
prehended  by  certain  of  the  nobility,  gentry,  and 
merchants,  so  that  his  Majesty  by  his  letters-patents 
gave  commission  for  establishing  councils  to  direct  here, 
and  to  govern  and  to  execute  there.  To  effect  this 
was  spent  another  year ;  and  by  that,  three  ships  were 
provided,  —  one  of  a  hundred  tons,  another  of  forty, 
and  a  pinnace  8  of  twenty.  The  transportation  of  the 
company  was  committed  to  Captain  Christopher  New 
port,  a  mariner  welt  practiced  for  the  western  parts 

1  More  often  written  "Gosnqld." 

2  Waited.  3  A  small  sailing-vessel. 

231 


232  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

of  America.  But  their  orders  for  government  were  put 
in  a  box,  not  to  be  opened,  nor  the  governors  known, 
until  they  arrived  in  Virginia. 

On  the  i Qth  of  December,  1606,  we  set  sail  from 
Blackwall,  but  by  unprosperous  winds  were  kept  six 
weeks  in  the  sight  of  England.  .  .  . 

We  watered  at  the  Canaries.  We  traded  with  the 
savages  at  Dominica.  Three  weeks  we  spent  in  re 
freshing  ourselves  among  the  West  India  Isles.  In 
Gaudaloupe  we  found  a  bath  so  hot,  as  in  it  we  boiled 
pork  as  well  as  over  the  fire  ;  and,  at  a  little  isle  called 
Monica,  we  took  from  the  bushes  with  our  hands,  near 
two  hogsheads  full  of  birds  in  three  or  four  hours.  In 
Mevis,  Mona,  and  the  Virgin  Isles,  we  spent  some 
time,  where,  with  a  -loathsome  beast  like  a  crocodile, 
called  a  gwayn,1  tortoises,  pelicans,  parrots,  and  fishes, 
we  daily  feasted.  Gone  from  thence  in  search  of  Vir 
ginia,  the  company  was  not  a  little  discomforted,  seeing 
the  mariners  had  three  days  passed  their  reckoning,2 
and  found  no  land  ;  so  that  Captain  Ratliffe,  captain 
of  the  pinnace,  rather  desired  to  bear  up  the  helm  to 
return  for  England  than  make  further  search.  But 
God  the  guider  of  all  good  actions,  forcing  them  by  an 
extreme  storm  to  hull 8  all  night,  did  drive  them  by  his 
providence  to  their  desired  port,  beyond  all  their  expec 
tation  ;  for  never  any  of  them  had  seen  that  coast. 

The  first  land  they  made  they  called  Cape  Henry, 
where  thirty  of  them,  recreating  themselves  on  shore, 
were  assaulted  by  five  savages,  who  hurt  two  of  the 
English  very  dangerously.  That  night  was  the  box 
opened,  and  the  orders  read,  in  which  Bartholomew 

1  Iguana.         2  i.e.,  taken  no  observations  of  the  sun.         8  i.e.,  lie  to. 


CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA.  233 

Gosnoll,  John  Smith,  Edward  Wingfield,  Christopher 
Newport,  John  Ratliffe,  John  Martin,  and  George  Ken 
dall,  were  named  to  be  the  council,  and  to  choose  a 
president  among  them  for  a  year,  who,  with  the  council, 
should  govern.  Matters  of  moment  were  to  be  exam 
ined  by  a  jury,  but  determined  by  the  major  part  of  the 
council,  in  which  the  president  had  two  voices.  Until 
the  1 3th  of  May,  they  sought  a  place  to  plant 1  in  ;  then 
the  council  was  sworn,  Mr.  Wingfield  was  chosen  presi 
dent,  and  an  oration  made2  why  Captain  Smith  was  not 
admitted  of  the  council  as  the  rest. 

Now  falleth  every  man  to  work :  the  council  contrive 
the  fort,  the  rest  cut  down  trees  to  make  place  to  pitch 
their  tents,  some  provide  clapboard  to  relade  the 
ships,  some  make  gardens,  some  nets,  &c.  The  savages 
often  visited  us  kindly.  The  president's  overweening 
jealousy3  would  admit  no  exercise  at  arms,  or  fortifica 
tion  but  the  boughs  of  trees  cast  together  in  the  form 
of  a  half-moon.  By  the  extraordinary  pains  and  dili 
gence  of  Captain  Kendall,  Newport,  Smith,  and  twenty 
others,  were  sent  to  discover  the  head  of  the  river.4 
By  divers  small  habitations  they  passed.  In  six  days 
they  arrive  at  a  town  called  Powhatan,  consisting  of 
some  twelve  houses  pleasantly  seated  on  a  hill,  before 
it  three  fertile  isles,  about  it  many  of  their  cornfields. 
The  place  is  very  pleasant,  and  strong  by  nature.  Of 
this  place  the  prince  is  called  Powhatan,  and  his  people 
Powhatans.  To  this  place  the  river  is  navigable  ;  but 
higher  within  a  mile,  by  reason  of  the  rocks  and  isles, 
there  is  not  passage  for  a  small  boat.  This  they  call 

1  i.e.,  settle  as  planters.  2  i.e.,  an  explanation  publicly  given. 

3  Suspicion.  *  The  James  River. 


234  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

the  falls.  The  people  in  all  parts  kindly  entreated1 
them,  till,  being  returned  within  twenty  miles  of  James 
town,  they  gave  just  cause  of  jealousy. .  But  had  God 
not  blessed  the  discoverers  otherwise  than  those  at  the 
fort,  there  had  then  been  an  end  of  that  plantation  ; 
for  at  the  fort,  where  they  arrived  the  next  day,  they 
found  seventeen  men  hurt,  and  a  boy  slain  by  the 
savages.  And  had  it  not  chanced  a  cross-bar  shot2 
from  the  ships  struck  down  a  bough  from  a  tree 
amongst  them,  that  caused  them  to  retire,  our  men  had 
all  been  slain,  being  securely  all  at  work,  and  their 
arms  in  dry-vats.3 

Hereupon  the  president  was  willing  the  fort  should 
be  palisaded,4  the  ordnance  mounted,  his  men  armed 
and  exercised,  for  many  were  the  assaults  and  ambus 
cades  of  the  savages  ;  and  our  men,  by  their  disorderly 
straggling,  were  often  hurt,  when  the  savages,  by  the 
nimbleness  of  their  heels,  well  escaped.  What  toil  we 
had,  with  so  small  a  power  to  guard  our  workmen 
a-days,5  watch  all  night,  resist  our  enemies,  and  effect 
our  business,  to  relade  the  ships,  cut  down  trees,  and 
prepare  the  ground  to  plant  our  corn,  &c.,  I  refer  to 
the  reader's  consideration. 


II.  —  THE  VIRGINIA  COLONISTS. 

BEING,  for  most  part,  of  such  tender  educations,  and 
small  experience  in  martial  accidents,  because  they 
feund  [neither]  English  cities,  nor  such  fair  houses,  nor 

1  Treated.        2  Two  cannon-balls  joined  by  a  short  iron  bar. 

3  Baskets.  4  Surrounded  with  palisades.  5  By  day. 


THE    VIRGINIA    COLONISTS.  235 

at  their  own  wishes  any  of  their  accustomed  dainties, 
with  feather-beds  and  downy  pillows,  taverns  and  ale 
houses  in  every  breathing-place,  neither  such  plenty  of 
gold  and  silver,  and  dissolute  liberty,  as  they  expected, 
had  little  or  no  care  of  any  thing  but  to  ...  procure 
their  means  to  return  for  England.  For  the  country 
was  to  them  a  misery,  a  ruin,  a  death,  a  hell,  and  their 
reports  here  and  their  actions  there  according. 

Some  other  there  were  that  had  yearly  stipends  l  -to 
pass  to  and  again  for  transportation.  And  those  with 
their  great  words  deluded  the  world  with  such  strange 
promises  as  abused  the  business  much  worse  than  the 
rest.  For  the  business  being  builded  upon  the  founda 
tion  of  their  feigned  experience,  the  planters,  the  money, 
and  means  have  still  miscarried ;  yet  they  ever  return 
ing,  and  the  planters  so  far  absent,  who  could  contra 
dict  their  excuses  ?  Which,  still  to  maintain  their  vain 
glory  and  estimation  from  time  to  time,  have  used  such 
diligence  as  made  them  pass  for  truths,  though  nothing 
more  false.  And,  that  the  adventurers  might  be  thus 
abused,  let  no  man  wonder ;  for  the  wisest  living  is 
soonest  abused  by  him  that  hath  a  fair  tongue  and  a 
dissembling  heart. 

There  were  many  in  Virginia  merely  projecting, 
verbal  and  idle  contemplators,2  and  those  so  devoted  to 
pure  idleness,  that,  though  they  had  lived  two  or  three 
years  in  Virginia,  lordly  necessity  itself  could  not  com 
pel  them  to  pass  the  peninsula  or  palisades  of  James 
town  ;  and  those  witty  spirits,  what  would  they  not 
affirm  in  behalf  of  our  transporters  3  to  get  victual  from 

1  Permission  to  go  to  and  from  England. 

2  i.e.,  persons  occupied  in  lazy  contemplation. 

3  i.e..  in  appealing  to  the  captains  of  transports,  or  vessels. 


236  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

their  ships,  or  obtain  their  good  words  in  England  to 
get  their  passes  !  Thus  from  the  clamors  and  the  influ 
ence  of  false  informers  are  sprung  those  disasters  that 
sprung  in  Virginia ;  and  our  ingenious  verbalists l  were 
no  less  a  plague  to  us  in  Virginia  than  the  locusts  to 
the  Egyptians.  For  the  labor  of  twenty  or  thirty  of  the 
best  only  preserved  in  Christianity  by  their  industry  the 
idle  lives  of  near  two  hundred  of  the  rest,  who,  living 
near  ten  months  of  such  natural  means  as  the  country 
naturally  of  itself  affordeth.  Notwithstanding  all  this, 
and  the  worst  fury  of  the  savages,  the  extremity  of  sick 
ness,  mutinies,  faction,  ignorances,  and  want  of  victual, 
in  all  that  time  I  lost  but  seven  or  eight  men,  yet  sub 
jected  the  savages  to  our  desired  obedience,  and  received 
contribution  from  thirty-five  of  their  kings,  to  protect 
and  assist  them  against  any  that  should  assault  them. 
In  which  order  they  continued  true  and  faithful,  and  as 
subjects  to  his  Majesty,  so  long  after  as  I  did  govern 
there,  until  I  left  the  country. 


III.  —  SMITH  CAPTURED  BY  THE  INDIANS. 

AND  now  the  winter  .approaching,  the  rivers  became 
so  covered  with  swans,  geese,  ducks,  and  cranes,  that 
we  daily  feasted  with  good  bread,  Virginia  peas,  pump 
kins  and  putchamins,2  fish,  fowl,  and  divers  sorts  of 
wild  beasts  as  fat  as  we  could  eat  them :  so  that  none 
of  our  tuftaffatty  humorists 8  desired  to  go  for  Eng 
land.  But  our  comedies  never  endured  long  without  a 
tragedy  ;  some  idle  exceptions  being  ^muttered  against 
l  Talkative  people.  2  Persimmons.  3  Fantastic  fellows. 


SMITH    CAPTURED    BY    THE    INDIANS. 


237 


Captain  Smith  for  not  discovering  the  head  of  Chicka- 
hamania1  River,  and  taxed  by  the  council  to  be  too  slow 
in  so  worthy  an  attempt.  The  next  voyage  he  pro 
ceeded  so  far,  that,  with  much  labor  by  cutting  of  trees 
asunder,  he  made  his  passage ;  but,  when  his  barge 
could  pass  no  farther,  he  left  her  in  a  broad  bay,  out  of 
danger  of  shot,  commanding  none  should  go  ashore 
until  his  return.  Himself,  with  two  English  and  two 
savages,  went  up  higher  in  a  canoe;  but  he  was  not 


OLD    PRINT   OF   SMITH  S   CAPTUKE. 


long  absent.  But  his  men  went  ashore,  whose  want 
of  government  gave  both  occasion  and  opportunity  to 
the  savages  to  surprise  one  George  Cassen,  whom  they 
slew,  and  much  failed  not2  to  have  cut  off  the  boat  and 
all  the  rest.  Smith,  little  dreaming  of  that  accident, 
being  got  to  the  marshes  at  the  river's  head,  twenty 
miles  in  the  desert,  had  his  two  men  slain,  as  is  sup 
posed,  sleeping  by  the  canoe,  while  himself,  by  fowling, 
l  Now  Chickahominy.  2  i.e.,  came  near  doing  it. 


238  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

sought  them  victuals ;  who  finding  he  was  beset  with 
two  hundred  savages,  two  of  them  he  slew,  still  defend 
ing  himself  with  the  aid  of  a  savage,  his  guide,  whom 
he  bound  to  his  arms  with  his  garters,  and  used  him  as 
a  buckler  •  yet  he  was  shot  in  his  thigh  a  little,  and  had 
many  arrows  that  stuck  in  his  clothes,  but  no  great 
hurt  till  at  last  they  took  him  prisoner.  When  this 
news  came  to  Jamestown,  much  was  their  sorrow  for 
his  loss,  few  expecting  what  ensued.  Six  or  seven 
weeks  those  barbarians  kept  him  prisoner,  many  strange 
triumphs  and  conjurations  they  made  of  him ;  yet  he  so 
demeaned  himself  among  them,  as  he  not  only  diverted 
them  from  surprising  the  fort,  but  procured  his  own 
liberty,  and  got  himself  and  his  company  such  estima 
tion  amongst  them,  that  those  savages  admired  him 
more  than  their  own  Quiyougkcosoucks.1  The  manner 
how  they  used  and  delivered  him  is  as  followeth. 

The  savages  having  drawn  from  George  Cassen 
whither  Capt.  Smith  was  gone,  prosecuting  that  oppor 
tunity,  they  followed  him  with  three  hundred  bow 
men,  conducted  by  the  King  of  Pamaunkee,  who  in 
divisions,  searching  the  turnings  of  the  river,  found 
Robinson  and  Emry  by  the  fireside :  those  they  shot 
full  of  arrows,  and  slew.  Then  finding  the  captain,  as 
is  said,  that  used  the  savage  that  was  his  guide  as  his 
shield,  —  three  of  them  being  slain,  and  divers  others  so 
galled,  —  all  the  rest  would  not  come  near  him.  Think 
ing  thus  to  have  returned  to  his  boat,  regarding  them, 
as  he  marched  more  than  his  way,  slipped  up  to  the 
middle  in  an  oozy2  creek,  and  his  savage  with  him;  yet 
durst  they  not  come  to  him,  till,  being  near  dead  with 
1  Lesser  gods.  2  Muddy. 


SMITH    CAPTURED    BY   THE    INDIANS.  239 

cold,  he  threw  away  his  arms.  Then  according  to  their 
composition  J  they  drew  him  forth,  and  led  him  to  the 
fire,  where  his  men  were  slain.  Diligently  they  chafed 
his  benumbed  limbs. 

He  demanding  for  their  captain,  they  showed  him 
Opechankanough,  King  of  Pamaunkee,  to  whom  he 
gave  a  round  ivory  double  compass-dial.  Much  they 
marvelled  at  the  playing  of  the  fly  and  needle,  which 
they  could  see  so  plainly,  and  yet  not  touch  it,  because 
of  the  glass  that  covered  them.  But  when  he  demon 
strated  by  that  globe-like  jewel  the  roundness  of  the 
earth  and  skies,  the  sphere  of  the  sun,  moon,  and 
stars,  and  how  the  sun  did  chase  the  night  round  about 
the  world  continually,  the  greatness  of  the  land  and 
sea,  the  diversity  of  nations,  variety  of  complexions, 
and  how  we  were  to  them  antipodes,  and  many  other 
such  like  matters,  they  all  stood  as  amazed  with  admi 
ration.  Notwithstanding,  without  an  hour  after,  they 
tied  him  to  a  tree,  and  as  many  as  could  stand  about 
him  prepared  to  shoot  him;  but,  the  king  holding  up 
the  compass  in  his  hand,  they  all  laid  down  their  bows 
and  arrows,  and  in  a  triumphant  manner  led  him  to 
Orapaks,  where  he  was-  after  their  manner  kindly 
feasted,  and  well  used. 

Their  order  in  conducting  him  was  thus :  drawing 
themselves  all  in  file,  the  king  in  the  midst,  had  all 
their  pieces  and  swords  borne  before  him.  Captain 
Smith  was  led  after  him  by  three  great  savages,  hold 
ing  him  fast  by  each  arm  ;  and  on  each  side  six  went 
in  file  with  their  arrows  nocked.2  But  arriving  at  the 

1  i.e.,  agreement. 

2  i.e.,  held  with  the  notch  against  the  strings,  ready  for  use. 


240  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

town,  —  which  was  only  thirty  or  forty  hunting-houses 
made  of  mats,  which  they  remove  as  they  please,  as  we 
our  tents,  —  all  the  women  and  children  staring  to 
behold  him,  the  soldiers  first,  all  in  file,  performed  the 
form  of  a  bissom  1  so  well  as  could  be ;  and  on  each 
flank,  officers  as  sergeants  to  see  them  keep  their 
order.  A  good  time  they  continued  this  exercise,  and 
then  cast  themselves  in  a  ring,  dancing  in  such  several 
postures,  and  singing  and  yelling  out  such  hellish  notes 
and  screeches ;  being  strangely  painted,  every  one  his 
quiver  of  arrows,  and  at  his  back  a  club  ;  on  his  arm  a 
fox  or  an  otter's  skin,  or  some  such  matter  for  his 
vambrace;2  their  heads  and  shoulders  painted  red  with 
oil  and  pocones  3  mingled  together,  which  scarlet-like 
color  made  an  exceeding  handsome  show  j  his  bow  in 
his  hand,  and  the  skin  of  a  bird  with  her  wings  abroad 
dried,  tied  on  his  head,  a  piece  of  copper,  a  white  shell, 
a  long  feather,  with  a  small  rattle  growing  at  the  tails 
of  their  snakes  tied  to  it,  or  some  such  like  toy.  All 
this  while,  Smith  and  the  king  stood  in  the  midst, 
guarded,  as  before  is  said ;  and  after  three  dances  they 
'all  departed.  Smith  they  conducted  to  a  long  house, 
where  thirty  or  forty  tall  fellows  did  guard  him  ;  and 
ere  long  more  bread  and  venison  was  brought  him  than 
would  have  served  twenty  men.  I  think  his  stomach  4 
at  that  time  was  not  very  good  :  what  he  left  they  put 
in  baskets,  and  tied  over  his  head.  About  midnight, 
they  set  the  meat  again  before  him,  all  this  time  not 

1  "  Bissom,"  or  ''  Bishion,"  was  a  military  term  not  now  understood. 

2  Piece  of  armor  to  protect  the  lower  part  of  the  arm  ;  from  the  French 
crvant-bras.     Smith  elsewhere  calls  it  "  braces." 

3  Puccoons.  4  i.e.,  appetite. 


CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    AND    POCAHONTAS.  241 

one  of  them  would  eat  a  bit  with  him,  till  the  next 
morning  they  brought  him  as  much  more ;  and  then  did 
they  eat  all  the  old,  and  reserved  the  new  as  they  had 
done  the  other,  which  made  him  think  they  would  fat 
him  to  eat  him.  Yet  in  this  desperate  estate  to  defend 
him  from  the  cold,  one  Maocassater  brought  him  his 
gown,  in  requital  of  some  beads  and  toys  Smith  had 
given  him  at  his  first  arrival  in  Virginia. 


IV.  —  CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH  AND  POCAHONTAS. 

[This  narrative  is  taken  from  Smith's  "  Generall  Historie."  It  was 
possibly  written  by  Captain  Smith,  but  is  now  generally  disbelieved  by 
historical  students,  because  it  is  inconsistent  with  an  earlier  account  of  the 
same  events,  also  written  by  Smith,  and  because  the  incident  is  not  men 
tioned  by  Strachey,  who  also  described  the  Virginia  Colony.] 

Two  days  after,  a  man  would  have  slain  him  —  but 
that  the  guard  prevented  it  —  for  the  death  of  his  sori, 
to  whom  they  conducted  him  to  recover  the  poor  man, 
then  breathing  his  last.  Smith  told  them  that  at 
Jamestown  he  had  a  water  would  do,  if  they  would 
let  him  fetch  it.  But  they  would  not  permit  that, 
but  made  all  the  preparations  they  could  to  assault 
Jamestown,  craving  his  advice,  and,  for  recompense,  he 
should  have  life,  liberty,  land,  and  women.  In  part 
of  a  table  book :  he  wrote  his  mind  to  them  at  the 
fort,  —  what  was  intended,  how  they  should  follow  that 
direction  to  affright  the  messengers,  and  without  fail 
send  him  such  things  as  he  wrote  for  ;  and  an  invento 
ry  with  them.  The  difficulty  and  danger  he  told  the 
1  Note-book,  or  book  containing  tables. 


242  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

savages,  of  the  mines,  great  guns,  and  other  engines, 
exceedingly  affrighted  them ;  yet,  according  to  his 
request,  they  went  to  Jamestown  in  as  bitter  weather 
as  could  be  of  frost  and  snow,  and  within  three  days 
returned  with  an  answer. 

But  when  they  came  to  Jamestown,  seeing  men  sally 
out,  as  he  had  told  them  they  would,  they  fled.  Yet 
in  the  night  they  came  again  to  the  same  place  where 
he  had  told  them  they  should  receive  an  answer,  and 
such  things  as  he  had  promised  them ;  which  they  found 
accordingly,  and  with  which  they  returned,  with  no 
small  expedition,  to  the  wonder  of  them  all  that  heard 
it,  that  he  could  either  divine,  or  the  paper  could 
speak.  .  .  . 

Not  long  after,  early  in  a  morning,  a  great  fire  was 
made  in  a  long  house,  and  a  mat  spread  on  the  one 
side  as  on  the  other.  On  the  one  they  caused  him  to 
sit,  and  all  the  guard  went  out  of  the  house ;  and 
presently  came  skipping  in  a  great  grim  fellow,  all 
painted  over  with  coal,  mingled  with  oil,  and  many 
snakes'  and  weasels'  skins  stuffed  with  moss,  and  all 
their  tails  tied  together,  so  as  they  met  on  the  crown 
of  his  head  in  a  tassel.  And  round  about  the  tassel 
was  as  a  coronet  of  feathers,  the  skins  hanging  round 
about  his  head,  back,  and  shoulders,  and  in  a  manner 
covered  his  face ;  with  a  hellish  voice,  and  a  rattle  in 
his  hand.  With  most  strange  gestures  and  passions,  he 
began  his  invocation,  and  environed  the  fire  with  a 
circle  of  meal ;  which  done,  three  more  such  like 
devils  came  rushing  in  with  the  like  antic  tricks, 
painted  half  black,  half  red ;  but  all  their  eyes  were 
painted  white,  and  some  red  strokes  like  mustaches 


CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    AND    POCAHONTAS.  243 

along  their  cheeks.  Round  about  him  those  fiends 
danced  a  pretty  while ;  and  then  came  in  three  more 
as  ugly  as  the  rest,  with  red  eyes,  and  white  strokes 
over  their  black  faces.  At  last  they  all  sat  down  right 
against  him,  three  of  them  on  the  one  hand  of  the 
chief  priest,  and  three  on  the  other.  Then  all  with 
their  rattles  began  a  song ;  which  ended,  the  chief  priest 
laid  down  five  wheat-corns  ;  then  straining  his  arms 
and  hands  with  such  violence  that  he  sweat,  and  his 
veins  swelled,  he  began  a  short  oration  :  at  the  con 
clusion  they  all  gave  a  short  groan,  and  then  laid  down 
three  grains  more.  After  that  began  their  song  again, 
and  then  another  oration,  ever  laying  down  so  many 
corns  as  before,  till  they  had  twice  encircled  the  fire. 
That  done,  they  took  a  bunch  of  little  sticks  prepared 
for  that  purpose,  continuing  still  their  devotion ;  and  at 
the  end  of  every  song  and  oration  they  laid  down  a 
stick  betwixt  the  divisions  of  corn.  Till  night,  neither 
he  nor  they  did  either  eat  or  drink,  and  then  they 
feasted  merrily,  with  the  best  provisions  they  could 
make.  Three  days  they  used  this  ceremony,  the  mean 
ing  whereof,  they  told  him,  was  to  know  if  he  intended 
them  well  or  no.  The  circle  of  meal  signified  their 
county;  the  circles  of  corn,  the  boundaries  of  the  sea; 
and  the  sticks,  his  country.  Thev  imagined  the  world 

•J  s  o 

to  be  flat  and  round  like  a  trencher,  and  they  in  the 
middle.  After  this  they  brought  him  a  bag  of  gun 
powder,  which  they  carefully  preserved  until  the  next 
spring,  to  plant,  as  they  did  their  corn,  because  they 
would  be  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  that  seed. 
Opitchapam,  the  king's  brother,  invited  him  to  his 
house,  where,  with  as  many  platters  of  bread,  fowl,  and 


244 


CAPTAIN   JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 


wild  beasts  as  did  environ  him,  he  bid  him  welcome  ; 
but  not  any  of  them  would  eat  a  bifwith  him,  but  put 
up  all  the  remainder  in  baskets.  .  .  . 


FACSIMILE  ILLUSTRATION   FROM   SMITH'S   "GENERAL  HISTORY. 


At  last  they  brought  him  to  Meronocomoco,1  where 
was  Powhatan,  their  emperor.  Here  more  than  two 
hundred  of  those  grim  courtiers  stood  wondering  at 

1  Sometimes  called  "  Weravvocomoco,"  supposed  to  be  on  the  north 
side  of  Pamaunkee,  now  York  River,  at  a  place  still  called  "  Powhatan's 
Chimney." 


CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    AND    POCAHONTAS.         245 

him,  as  he  had  been  a  monster,  till  Powhatan  and  his 
train  had  put  themselves  in  their  greatest  braveries.1 
Before  a  fire,  upon  a  seat  like  a  bedstead,  he  sat, 
covered  with  a  great  robe  made  of  raccoon-skins,  and 
all  the  tails  hanging  by.  On  either  hand  did  sit  a  young 
wench  of  sixteen  or  eighteen  years,  and  along  on  each 
side  the  house  two  rows  of  men,  and  behind  them  as 
many  women,  with  all  their  heads  and  shoulders  painted 
red,  many  of  their  heads  bedecked  with  the  white  down 
of  birds  ;  but  every  one  with  something ;  and  a  great 
chain  of  white  beads  about  their  necks.  At  his  entrance 
before  the  king,  all  the  people  gave  a  great  shout.  The 
Queen  of  Appamatuck 2  was  appointed  to  bring  him 
water  to  wash  his  hands  ;  and  another  brought  him  a 
bunch  of  feathers,  instead  of  a  towel,  to  dry  them. 
Having  feasted  him  after  the  best  barbarous  manner 
they  could,  a  long  consultation  was  held  ;  but  the  con 
clusion  was,  two  great  stones  were  brought  before 
Powhatan.  Then  as  many  as  could  laid  hands  on  him,8 
dragged  him  to  them,  and  thereon  laid  his  head ;  and 
being  ready  with  their  clubs  to  beat  out  his  brains, 
Pocahontas,  the  king's  dearest  daughter,  when  no  en 
treaty  could  prevail,  got  his  head  in  her  arms,  and  laid 
her  own  upon  his,  to  save  him  from  death.4  Whereat 

1  Showy  garments.  2  Appomattox.  3  Smith. 

4  Captain  Smith,  in  another  narrative  relating  to  this  same  period, 
describes  Pocahontas  as  "  a  child  of  ten  years  old,  which,  not  only  for 
feature,  countenance,  and  proportion,  much  exceedeth  any  of  the  rest  of 
his  people,  but  for  Avit  and  spirit  the  only  nonpareil  of  his  country." 
Nonpareil  means  unequalled.  But  Strachey,  the  secretary  of  the  colony, 
gives  a  less  poetical  description  of  Pocahontas,  describing  her  as  a  wild  and 
ungovernecl  child,  playing  rather  rudely  about  the  fort  with  other  children. 
See  an  article  called  "  The  True  Pocahontas,"  in  Scribner's  Monthly  for 
'May,  1876. 


246  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

the  emperor  was  contented  he  should  live  to  make  him 
hatchets,  and  her  bells,  beads,  and  copper;  for  they 
thought  him  as  well l  of  all  occupations  as  themselves. 
For  the  king  himself  will  make  his  own  robes,  shoes, 
bows,  arrows,  pots  ;  plant,  hunt,  or  do  any  thing  so  well 
as  the  rest.  .  .  . 

Two  days  after,  Powhatan,  having  disguised  himself 
in  the  most  fearfulest  manner  he  could,  caused  Captain 
Smith  to  be  brought  forth  to  a  great  house  in  the  woods, 
and  there,  upon  a  mat  by  the  fire,  to  be  left  alone.  Not 
long  after,  from  behind  a  mat  that  divided  the  house 
was  made  the  most  dolefulest  noise  he  ever  heard ;  then 
Powhatan,  more  like  a  devil  than  a  man,  with  some  two 
hundred  more  as  black  as  himself,  came  unto  him,  and 
told  him  now  they  were  friends,  and  presently  he  should 
go  to  Jamestown,  to  send  him  two  great  guns  and  a 
grindstone,  for  which  he  would  give  him  the  country 
of  Capahowosick,  and  forever  esteem  him  as  his  son 
Nantaquond.  So  to  Jamestown  with  twelve  guides 
Powhatan  sent  him.  That  night  they  quartered  in  the 
woods,  he  still  expecting  —  as  he  had  done  all  this  long 
time  of  his  imprisonment  —  every  hour  to  be  put  to  one 
death  or  other,  for  all  their  feasting.  But  Almighty 
God  by  his  divine  providence  had  mollified  the  hearts 
of  those  stern  barbarians  with  compassion.  The  next 
morning  betimes,  they  came  to  the  fort,  where  Smith, 
having  used  the  savages  with  what  kindness  he  could, 
he  showed  Rawhunt,  Powhatan's  trusty  servant,  two 
demi-culverins 2  and  a  millstone,  to  carry  Powhatan. 
They  found  them  somewhat  too  heavy ;  but  when  they 
did  see  him  discharge  them,  being  loaded  with  stones, 
1  i.e.,  as  well  skilled.  2  Canncn. 


KING    POWHATAN.  247 

among  the  boughs  of  a  great  tree  loaded  with  icicles, 
the  ice  and  branches  came  so  tumbling  down,  that  the 
poor  savages  ran  away  half  dead  with  fear.  But  at 
last  we  regained  some  conference  l  with  them,  and  gave 
them  such  toys,  and  sent  to  Powhatan,  his  women,  and 
children,  such  presents,  as  gave  them,  in  general,  full 
content. 

V.  —  KING  POWHATAN. 

HE  is  a  goodly  old  man,  not  yet  shrinking,  though 
well  beaten  with  many  cold  and  stormy  winters,  in 
which  he  hath  been  patient  of  many  necessities  and 
attempts  of  his  fortune  to  make  his  name  and  family 
great.  He  is  supposed  to  be  little  less  than  eighty 
years  old,  I  dare  not  say  how  much  more.  Others  say 
he  is  of  a  tall  stature  and  clean  limbs,  of  a  sad  aspect, 
round,  fat-visaged,  with  gray  hairs,  but  plain  and  thin, 
hanging  upon  his  broad  shoulders ;  some  few  hairs 
upon  his  chin,  and  so  on  his  upper  lip.  He  hath  been  a 
strong  and  able  savage,  sinewy,  and  of  a  daring  spirit, 
vigilant,  ambitious,  subtile  to  enlarge  his  dominions. 
.  .  .  Cruel  he  hath  been,  and  quarrelsome,  as  well  with 
his  own  weroances^  for  trifles,  and  that  to  strike  a  terror 
and  awe  into  them  of  his  power  and  condition,  as  also 
with  his  neighbors,  in  his  younger  days,  though  now 
delighted  in  security  and  pleasure.  .  .  . 

Watchful  he  is  over  us,  and  keeps  good  espial  3  upon 
our  proceedings,  concerning  which  he  hath  his  senti 
nels,  that  —  at  what  time  soever  any  of  our  boats,  pin- 

1  i.e.,  resumed  our  interview. 

2  Subordinate  chiefs.  3  Watch. 


248  CAPTAIN   JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

naces,  or  ships  come  in,  fall  down,  or  make  up  the  river 
—  give  the  alarm,  and  take  it  quickly  one  from  the 
other,  until  it  reach  and  come  even  to  the  court  or 
hunting-house,  wheresoever  he  and  his  cronoccoes,  that 
is,  councillors  and  priests,  are  •  and  then  he  calls  to  ad 
vise,  and  gives  out  directions  what  is  to  be  done.  .  .  . 
About  his  person  ordinarily  attendeth  a  guard  of  forty 
or  fifty  of  the  tallest  men  his  country  do  afford.  Every 
night,  upon  the  four  quarters  of  his  house,  are  four 
sentmels  drawn  forth,  each  standing  from  other  a 
flight-shot;1  and  at  every  half-hour,  one  from  the  corps 
de garde*  doth  halloo,  unto  whom  every  sentinel  returns 
answer  round  from  his  stand  :  if  any  fail,  an  officer  is 
presently  sent  forth  that  beateth  him  extremely. 

The  word  weroance,  which  we  call  and  construe  for  a 
king,  is  a  common  word,  whereby  they  call  all  com 
manders ;  for  they  have  but  few  words  in  their  lan 
guage,  and  but  few  occasions  to  use  any  officers  more 
than  one  commander,  which  commonly  they  call  weroance. 

It  is  strange  to  see  with  what  great  fear  and  adora 
tion  all  this  people  do  obey  this  Powhatan ;  for  at  his 
feet  they  present  whatsoever  he  commandeth  :  and  at 
the  least  frown  of  his  brow  the  greatest  will  tremble, 
it  may  be  because  he  is  very  terrible  and  inexorable 
in  punishing  such  as  offend  him.  .  .  .  And  sure  it  is 
to  be  wondered  at,  how  such  a  barbarous  and  uncivil 
prince  should  take  unto  him  —  adorned  and  set  forth 
with  no  great  outward  ornament  and  munificence  —  a 
form  and  ostentation  of  such  majesty  as  he  expresseth, 
which  oftentimes  strikes  awe  and  sufficient  wonder  in 
our  people  presenting  themselves  before  him. 

1  Arrow-shot,  or  bow-shot.  2  Body-guard. 


A    VIRGINIA    PRINCESS.  249 


VI.  —  A  VIRGINIA  PRINCESS. 

NOR  is  [she]  so  handsome  a  savage  woman  as  I  have 
seen  amongst  them,  yet  with  a  kind  of  pride  can  take 
upon  her  a  show  of  greatness  ;  for  we  have  seen  her 
forbear  to  come  out  of  her  quintan,  or  boat,  through 
the  water,  as  the  other,  both  maids  and  married  women, 
usually  do,  unless  she  were  carried  forth  between  two 
of  her  servants.  I  was  once  early  at  her  house  —  it 
being  summer  time  —  when  she  was  laid  without  doors, 
under  the  shadow  of  a  broad-leaved  tree,  upon  a  pallet 
of  osiers,  spread  over  with  four  or  five  fine  gray  mats, 
herself  covered  with  a  fair  white  dressed  deerskin  or 
two  ;  and,  when  she  rose,  she  had  a  maid  who  fetched 
her  a  frontall l  of  white  coral,  and  pendants  of  great  but 
imperfect  colored  and  worse  drilled  pearls,  which  she 
put  into  her  ears,  and  a  chain  with  long  links  of  copper, 
which  they  call  tapoantaminais,  and  which  came  twice 
or  thrice  about  her  neck,  and  they  account  a  jolly 
ornament.  And  sure  thus  attired,  with  some  variety  of 
feathers  and  flowers  stuck  in  their  hairs,  they  seem  as 
debonaire,  quaint,  and  well  pleased  as  ...  a  daughter 
of  the  house  of  Austria  2  decked  with  all  her  jewels. 
Likewise,  her  maid  fetched  her  a  mantle,  which  they 
call  puttawus,  which  is  like  a  side  cloak,  made  of  blue 
feathers,  so  artificially  and  thick  sewed  together,  that  it 
seemed  like  a  deep  purple  satin,  and  is  very  smooth 
and  sleek  ;  and  after,  she  brought  her  water  for  her 
hands,  and  then  a  branch  or  two  of  fresh  green  ashen 
leaves,  as  for  a  towel  to  dry  them. 

1  Ornament  for  the  forehead,  or  front.  '2  An  Austrian  princess. 


250  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 


VII.  —  AN  INDIAN  DANCE  IN  VIRGINIA. 

As  for  their  dancing,  the  sport  seems  unto  them,  and 
the  use,  almost  as  frequent  and  necessary  as  their  meat 
and  drink,  in  which  they  consume  much  time,  and  for 
which  they  appoint  many  and  often  meetings,  and  have 
therefore,  as  it  were,  set  orgies1  or  festivals  for  the 
same  pastime,  as  have  yet  at  this  day  the  merry  Greeks. 


INDIAN   DANCE. 


...  At  our  colony's  first  sitting  down  amongst  t^em, 
when  any  of  our  people  repaired  2  to  their  towns,  the 
Indians  would  not  think  they  had  expressed  their  wel 
come  sufficiently  enough,  until  they  had  showed  them  a 
dance,  the  manner  of  which  is  thus.  One  of  them 
standeth  by,  with  some  fur  or  leather  thing  in  his  left 
hand,  upon  which  he  beats  with  his  right  hand,  and 
sings  withal,  as  if  he  began  the  choir,  and  kept  unto  the 
rest  their  just  time  ;  when  upon  a  certain  stroke  or  more, 
—  as  upon  his  cue  or  time  to  come  in,  —  one  riseth  up, 

1  Regular  entertainments.  2  Went. 


INDIAN    CHILDREN    IN    VIRGINIA.  251 

and  begins  to  dance.  After  he  hath  danced  a  while, 
steps  forth  another,  as  if  he  came  in  just  upon  his  rest ; 
and  in  this  order  all  of  them,  so  many  as  there  be,  one 
after  another,  who  then  dance  an  «equal  distance  from 
each  other  in  ring,  shouting,  howling,  and  stamping 
their  feet  against  the  ground  with  such  force  and  pain, 
that  they  sweat  again,  and  with  all  varieties  of  strange 
mimic  tricks  and  distorted  faces,  making  so  confused  a 
yell  and  noise  as  so  many  frantic  and  disquieted  bac 
chanals  ;  and  sure  they  will  keep  stroke  just  with  their 
feet  to  the  time  he  gives,  and  just  one  with  another, 
but  with  the  hands,  head,  face,  and  body,  every  one 
hath  a  several  gesture.  And  those  who  have  seen  the 
dervishes  in  their  holy  dances,  in  their  mosques,  upon 
Wednesdays  and  Fridays  in  Turkey,  may  resemble 1 
these  unto  them.  You  shall  find  the  manner  expressed 
in  the  figure. 

VIII. — INDIAN  CHILDREN  IN  VIRGINIA. 

To  make  the  children  hardy,  in  the  coldest  mornings 
they  wash  them  in  the  rivers,  and  by  paintings  and  oint 
ments  so  tan  their  skins,  that,  after  a  year  or  two,  no 
weather  will  hurt  them.  As  also,  to  practise  their  chil 
dren  in  the  use  of  their  bows  and  arrows,  the  mothers 
do  not  give  them  their  breakfast  in  a  morning  before 
they  have  hit  a  mark  which  she  appoints  them  to  shoot 
at ;  and  commonly,  so  cunning  they  will  have  them,  as 
throwing  up  in  the  air  a  piece  of  moss,  or  some  such 
light  thing,  the  boy  must  with  his  arrow  meet  it  in  the 
fall,  and  hit  it,  or  else  he  shall  not  have  his  breakfast. 

1  Compare. 


252  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

Both  men,  women,  and  children  have  their  several 
names  ;  at  first,  according  to  the  several  humor  of  their 
parents.  And  for  the  men-children,  at  first,  when  they 
are  young,  their  mothers  give  them  a  name,  calling 
them  by  some  affectionate  title,  or,  perhaps,  observing 
their  promising  inclination,  give  it  accordingly ;  and  so 
the  great  King  Powhatan  called  a  young  daughter  of 
his  whom  he  loved  well,  Pocahontas,  which  may  signify 
"  little  wanton  ; " 1  howbeit,  she  was  rightly  called  Amo- 
nate  at  more  ripe  years.  When  they  become  able  to 
travel  into  the  woods,  and  to  go  forth  a  hunting,  fowl 
ing,  and  fishing  with  their  fathers,  the  fathers  give  him 
anotrier  name,  as  he  finds  him  apt,  and  of  spirit  to  prove 
toward2  and  valiant,  or  otherwise,  changing  the  mother's 
[name],  which  yet  in  the  family  is  not  so  soon  for 
gotten.  And  if  so  be,  it  be  by  agility,  strength,  or  any 
extraordinary  strain  of  wit,  he  performs  any  remarkable 
or  valorous  exploit  in  open  act  of  arms,  or  by  strata 
gem,  especially  in  the  time  of  extremity  in  the  wars  for 
the  public  and  common  state,  upon  the  enemy,  the 
king,  taking  notice  of  the  same,  doth  then,  not  only  in 
open  view  and  solemnly,  reward  him  with  some  present 
of  copper,  or  chain  of  pearl  and  beads,  but  doth  then 
likewise — and  which  they  take  for  the  most  eminent 
and  supreme  favor — give  him  a  name  answerable  to 
the  attempt,  not  much  differing  herein  from  the  ancient 
warlike  encouragement  and  order  of  the  Romans  to  a 
well-deserving  and  gallant  young  spirit. 

1  Gay,  or  frolicsome.  2  Capable. 


THE  PLANTER'S  PLEASURE  AND  PROFIT.         253 


IX.  —  "  THE  PLANTER'S  PLEASURE  AND  PROFIT." 

THERE  are  who  delight  extremely  in  vain  pleasure, 
that  take  much  more  pains  in  England  to  enjoy  it 
than  I  should  do  here  to  gain  wealth  sufficient :  and  yet 
I  think  they  should  not  have  half  such  sweet  content ; 
for  our  pleasure  here  is  still  gain,  in  England  charges 
and  loss.  Here  nature  and  liberty  afford  us  that  freely 
which  in  England  we  want,  or  it  costeth  us  dearly. 
What  pleasure  can  be  more  than  being  tired  with  any 
occasion  ashore,  in  planting  vines,  fruits,  or  herbs ;  in 
contriving  their  own  ground  to  the  pleasure  of  their  own 
minds,  their  fields,  gardens,  orchards,  buildings,  ships, 
and  other  works,  &c.  ;  to  recreate  themselves  before 
their  own  doors,  in  their  own  boats  upon  the  sea,  where 
man,  woman,  and  child,  with  a  small  hook  and  line,  by 
angling,  may  take  divers  sorts  of  excellent  fish  at  their 
pleasures  ?  And  is  it  not  pretty  sport  to  pull  up  two 
pence,  sixpence,  and  twelvepence  as  fast  as  you  can 
haul  and  veer  a  line?  He  is  a  very  bad  fisher  [who] 
cannot  kill  in  one  day,  with  his  hook  and  line,  one,  two, 
or  three  hundred  cods  ;  which  dressed  and  dried,  if 
they  be  sold  there  for  ten  shillings  a  hundred,  though 
in  England  they  will  give  more  than  twenty,  may  not 
both  servant,  master,  and  merchant  be  well  content  with 
this  gain  ?  If  a  man  work  but  three  days  in  seven,  he 
may  get  more  than  he  can  spend,  unless  he  will  be  ex 
ceedingly  excessive.  Now  that  carpenter,  mason,  gar 
dener,  tailor,  smith,  sailor,  forger,  or  what  other  —  may 
they  not  make  this  a  very  pretty  recreation,  though  they 
fish  but  an  hour  in  a  day,  to  take  more  than  they  can 


254  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

eat  in  a  week  ;  or  if  they  will  not  eat  it,  because  there 
is  so  much  better  choice,  yet  sell  it,  or  change  it  with 
the  fishermen  or  merchants,  for  any  thing  you  want? 
And  what  sport  doth  yield  a  more  pleasing  content,  and 
less  hurt  and  charge,  than  angling  with  a  hook,  and 
crossing  the  sweet  air  from  isle  to  isle,  over  the  'silent 
streams  of  a  calm  sea,  wherein  the  most  curious  may 
find  profit,  pleasure,  and  content  ? 

Thus,  though  all  men  be  not  fishers,  yet  all  men 
whatsoever  may  in  other  matters  do  as  well,  for  neces 
sity  doth  in  these  cases  so  rule  a  commonwealth,  and 
each  in  their  several  functions,  as  their  labors,  in  their 
qualities,  may  be  as  profitable,  because  there  is  a  neces 
sary  mutual  use  of  all. 

For  gentlemen,  what  exercise  should  more  delight 
them  than  ranging  daily  these  unknown  parts,  using 
fowling  and  fishing  for l  hunting  and  hawking  ?  and  yet 
you  shall  see  the  wild  hawks  give  you  some  pleasure  in 
seeing  them  stoop  six  or  seven  times  after  one  another, 
an  hour  or  two  together,  at  the  skults 2  of  fish  in  the  fair 
harbors,  as  those  ashore  at  a  fowl,  and  never  trouble 
nor  torment  yourselves  with  watching,  mewing,3  feeding, 
and  attending  them,  nor  kill  horse  and  man  with  run 
ning,  and  crying,  "  See  you  not  a  hawk  ?  "  For  hunt 
ing,  also,  the  woods,  lakes,  and  rivers  afford  not  only 
chase  sufficient  for  any  that  delights  in  that  kind  of  toil 
or  pleasure,  but  such  beasts  to  hunt,  that,  besides  the 
delicacy  of  their  bodies  for  food,  their  skins  are  so  rich 
as  they  will  recompense  thy  daily  labor  with  a  captain's 
pay. 

1  i.e.,  instead  of.  2  Shoals.  s  Confining. 


THE    GLORIES    OF    FISHING. 


255 


X.  —  THE  GLORIES  OF  FISHING. 

THE  main  staple  from  hence  to  be  extracted,  for  the 
present,  to  produce  the  rest,  is  fish ;  which,  however  it 
may  seem  a  mean  and  base  commodity,  yet  who  will 
but  truly  take  the  pains,  and  consider  the  sequel,  I  think 
will  allow  it  well  worth  the  labor.  It  is  strange  to  see 


COD-FISHING. 


what  great  adventures  the  hopes  of  setting  forth  men- 
of-war  to  rob  the  industrious  innocent  would  procure. 
.  .  .  But  who  cloth  not  know  that  the  poor  Hollanders, 
chiefly  by  fishing,  at  a  great  charge  and  labor,  in  all 
weathers  in  the  open  sea,  are  made  a  people  so  hardy 
and  industrious  ?  and  by  the  sending  this  poor  com 
modity  to  the  Easterlings l  for  as  mean,2  which  is 
wood,  flax,  pitch,  tar,  rosin,  cordage,  and  such  like,  — 

1  Eastern  merchants,  as  the  Germans  and  Danes. 

2  i.e.,  for  other  commodities  as  mean. 


256  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

which  they  exchange  again  to  the  French,  Spaniards, 
Portuguese,  and  English,  &c.,  for  what  they  want,  —  are 
made  so  mighty,  strong,  and  rich,  as  no  state  but  Venice, 
of  twice  their  magnitude,  is  so  well  furnished  with  so 
many  fair  cities,  goodly  towns,  strong  fortresses,  and 
that  abundance  of  shipping  and  all  sorts  of  merchan 
dise,  as  well  of  gold,  silver,  diamonds,  precious  stones, 
silks,  velvets,  and  cloth-of-gold,  as  fish,  pitch,  wood, 
or  such  gross  commodities  ?  What  voyages  and  dis 
coveries,  east  and  west,  north  and  south,  yea,  about 
the  world,  make  they!  What  an  army,  by  sea  and 
land,  have  they  long  maintained  in  despite  of  one  of 
the  greatest  princes  of  the  world  !  And  never  could 
the  Spaniard,  with  all  his  mines  of  gold  and  silver,  pay 
his  debts,  his  friends  and  army,  half  so  truly  as  the 
Hollanders  still  have  done  by  this  contemptible  trade 
of  fish.  .  .  . 

You  shall  scarce  find  any  bay,  shallow  shore,  or  cove 
of  sand,  where  you  may  not  take  many  clams,  or 
lobsters,  or  both,  at  your  pleasure,  and  in  many  places 
load  your  boat,  if  you  please ;  nor  isles  where  you  find 
not  fruits,  birds,  crabs,  and  mussels,  or  all  of  them,  for 
taking,  at  a  low  water.  And,  in  the  harbors  we  fre 
quented,  a  little  boy  might  take  of  dinners  and  pin- 
nacks,1  and  such  delicate  fish,  at  the  ship's  stern,  more 
than  six  or  ten  can  eat  in  a  day,  but  with  a  casting- 
net,  thousands  when  we  pleased  •  and  scarce  any  place, 
but  cod,  cusk,  halibut,  mackerel,  skate,  or  such  like,  a 
man  may  take  with  a  hook  or  line  what  he  will.  And 
in  divers  sandy  bays  a  man  may  draw  with  a  net  great 
store  of  mullets,  bass,  and  divers  other  sorts  of  such 

i  Pollocks. 


VISIT   OF    POCAHONTAS    TO    LONDON.  257 

excellent  fish,  as  many  as  his  net  can  draw  on  shore. 
No  river  where  there  is  not  plenty  of  sturgeon,  or 
salmon,  or  both ;  all  which  are  to  be  had  in  abundance, 
observing  but  their  seasons.  But  if  a  man  will  go  at 
Christmas  to  gather  cherries  in  Kent,  he  may  be  de 
ceived,  though  there  be  plenty  in  summer.  So  here 
these  plenties  have  each  their  seasons,  as  I  have  ex 
pressed.  We,  for  the  most  part,  had  little  but  bread  and 
vinegar ;  and  though  the  most  part  of  July,  when  the 
fishing  decayed,  they  wrought l  all  day,  lay  abroad  in  the 
isles  all  night,  and  lived  on  what  they  found,  yet  were 
not  sick.  But  I  would  wish  none  put  himself  long  to 
such  plunges,  except  necessity  constrain  it.  Yet  worthy 
is  that  person  to  starve  that  here  cannot  live,  if  he 
have  sense,  strength,  and  health. 


XL — VISIT  OF  POCAHONTAS  TO  LONDON  IN  1617. 

DURING  this  time,  the  Lady  Rebecca,  alias  Pocahon- 
tas,  daughter  to  Powhatan,  by  the  diligent  care  of 
Master  John  Rolfe,  her  husband,  and  his  friends,  was 
taught  to  speak  such  English  as  might  well  be  under 
stood,  well  instructed  in  Christianity,  and  was  become 
very  formal  and  civil  after  our  English  manner.  She 
had  also,  by  him,  a  child,  which  she  loved  most  dearly ; 
and  the  treasurer  and  company  took  order,  both  for 
the  maintenance  of  her  and  it.  Besides,  there  were 
divers  persons  of  great  rank  and  quality  had  been 
very  kind  to  her  ;  and,  before  she  arrived  at  London, 
Captain  Smith,  to  deserve  her  former  courtesies,  made 

l  Worked. 


258  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

her  qualities  known  to  the  queen's  most  excellent 
majesty  and  her  court,  and  wrote  a  little  book  to  this 
effect  to  the  queen,  an  abstract  whereof  followeth :  — 

To  THE  MOST   HIGH  AND  VIRTUOUS  PRINCESS,  QUEEN  ANNE 
OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

Most  Admired  Queen,  —  The  love  I  bear  my  God, 
my  king  and  country,  hath  so  oft  emboldened  me 
in  the  worst  of  extreme  dangers,  that  now  honesty 
doth  constrain  me  [to]  presume  thus  far  beyond  myself 
to  present  your  Majesty  this  short  discourse.  If  in 
gratitude  be  a  deadly  poison  to  all  honest  virtue,  I 
must  be  guilty  of  that  crime,  if  I  should  omit  any 
means  to  be  thankful.  So  it  is, 

That  some  ten  years  ago,  being  in  Virginia,  and 
taken  prisoner  by  the  power  of  Powhatan,  their  chief 
king,  I  received  from  this  great  savage  exceeding  great 
courtesy,  especially  from  his  son  Nantaquond,  the  most 
manliest,  comeliest,  boldest  spirit  I  ever  saw  in  a 
savage,  and  his  sister  Pocahontas,  the  king's  most 
dear  and  well-beloved  daughter,  —  being  but  a  child  of 
twelve  or  thirteen  years  of  age,  whose  compassionate, 
pitiful  heart  of  my  desperate  estate  gave  me  much 
cause  to  respect  her,  I  being  the  first  Christian  this 
proud  king  and  his  grim  attendants  ever  saw.  And, 
thus  enthralled  in  their  barbarous  power,  I  cannot  say 
I  felt  the  least  occasion  of  want  that  was  in  the  power 
of  those  my  mortal  foes  to  prevent,  notwithstanding 
all  their  threats.  After  some  six  weeks'  fatting  amongst 
those  savage  courtiers,  at  the  minute  of  my  execution, 
she  hazarded  the  beating  out  of  her  own  brains  to 
save  mine  ;  and  not  only  that,  but  so  prevailed  with 


VISIT    OF    POCAHONTAS    TO    LONDON. 


259 


her  father,  that  I  was  safely  conducted  to  Jamestown, 
where  I  found  about  eight  and  thirty  miserable,  poor, 
and  sick  creatures,  to  keep  possession  of  all  those 
large  territories  of  Virginia.  Such  was  the  weakness 
of  this  poor  commonwealth,  as,  had  the  savages  not 
fed  us,  we  directly  had  starved. 

And  this  relief,  most  gracious  Queen,  was  commonly 
brought  us  by  this  lady, 
Pocahontas.  Notwithstand 
ing  all  these  passages,  when 
inconstant  fortune  turned 
our  peace  to  war,  this  tender 
virgin  would  still  not  spare 
to  dare  to  visit  us,  and  by 
her  our  jars  have  been  oft 
appeased,  and  our  wants 
still  supplied.  Were  it  the 
policy  of  her  father  thus  to 
employ  her,  or  the  ordinance 
of  God  thus  to  make  her 
his  instrument,  or  her  extra 
ordinary  affection  to  our  nation,  I  know  not.  But 
of  this  I  am  sure  ;  when  her  father,  with  the  utmost 
of  his  policy  and  power,  sought  to  surprise  me,  hav 
ing  but  eighteen  with  me,  the  dark  night  could  not 
affright  her  from  coming  through  the  irksome  woods; 
and  with  watered  eyes  gave  me  intelligence,  with  her 
best  advice  to  escape  his  fury,  which  had  he  known, 
he  had  surely  slain  her.  Jamestown,  with  her  wild 
train,  she  as  freely  frequented  as  her  father's  habita 
tion  ;  and,  during  the  time  of  two  or  three  years,  she, 
next  under  God,  was  still  the  instrument  to  preserve 


POCAHONTAS. 


260  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

this  colony  from  death,  famine,  and  utter  confusion, 
which,  if  in  those  times,  had  once  been  dissolved,  Vir 
ginia  might  have  lain  as  it  was  at  our  first  arrival  to 
this  day.  Since  then,  this  business  having  been  turned 
and  varied  by  many  accidents  from  that  I  left  it  at, 
it  is  most  certain,  after  a  long  and  troublesome  war 
after  my  departure,  betwixt  her  father  and  our  colony, 
all  which  time  she  was  not  heard  of,  about  two 
years  after,  she  herself  was  taken  prisoner,  being  so 
detained  near  two  years  longer.  The  colony  by  that 
means  was  relieved,  peace  concluded,  and  at  last,  re 
jecting  her  barbarous  condition,  [she]  was  married  to 
an  English  gentleman,  with  whom  at  this  present  she 
is  in  England  ;  the  first  Christian  ever  of  that  nation, 
the  first  Virginian  ever  spoke  English,  or  had  a  child 
in  marriage  by  an  Englishman,  —  a  matter  surely,  if 
my  meaning  be  truly  considered  and  well  understood, 
worthy  a  princess'  understanding. 

Thus,  most  gracious  lady,  I  have  related  to  your 
Majesty,  what,  at  your  best  leisure,  our  approved  his 
tories  will  account  you  at  large,  and  done  in  the  time 
of  your  Majesty's  life  ;  and,  however  this  might  be 
presented  you  from  a  more  worthy  pen,  it  cannot  from 
a  more  honest  heart.  As  yet  I  never  begged  any  thing 
of  the  state,  or  any ;  and  if  my  want  of  ability,  and 
her  exceeding  desert,  your  birth,  means,  and  authority, 
her  birth,  virtue,  want,  and  simplicity,  doth  make  me 
thus  bold,  humbly  to  beseech  your  Majesty  to  take 
this  knowledge  of  her,  though  it  be  from  one  so  un 
worthy  to  be  the  reporter  as  myself  .  .  .  And  so  I 
humbly  kiss  your  gracious  hands. 

Being  about  this  time  preparing  to  set  sail  for  New 


VISIT    OF    POCAHONTAS    TO    LONDON.  261 

England,  I  could  not  stay  to  do  her  that  service  I 
desired,  and  she  well  deserved ;  but,  hearing  she  was  at 
Branford  with  divers  of  my  friends,  I  went  to  see  her. 
After  a  modest  salutation,  without  any  word,  she  turned 
about,  obscured  her  face,  as  not  seeming  well  contented ; 
and  in  that  humor  her  husband,  with  divers  others, 
we  all  left  her  two  or  three  hours,  repenting  myself  to 
have  written  she  could  speak  English.  But  not  long 
after,  she  began  to  talk,  and  remembered  me  well  what 
courtesies  she  had  done,  saying,  "  You  did  promise 
Powhatan  what  was  yours  should  be  his,  and  he  the  like 
to  you.  You  called  him  father,  being  in  his  land  a 
stranger,  and  by  the  same  reason  so  must  I  do  you." 
Which,  though  I  would  have  excused,  I  durst  not  allow 
of  that  title,  because  she  was  a  king's  daughter.  With 
a  well-set  countenance  she  said,  "Were  you  not  afraid 
to  come  into  my  father's  country,  and  caused  fear  in  him 
and  all  his  people,  —  but  me,  —  and  fear  you  here  I 
should  call  you  father  ?  I  tell  you,  then,  I  will,  and  you 
shall  call  me  child  ;  and  so  I  will  be  for  ever  and  ever 
your  countryman.  They  did  tell  us  always  you  were 
dead  ;  and  I  knew  no  other  till  I  came  to  Plymouth. 
Yet  Powhatan  did  command  Vetamatomakkin  to  seek 
you,  and  know  the  truth,  because  your  countrymen  will 
lie  much." 

This  savage,  one  of  Powhatan's  council,  being 
amongst  them  held  an  understanding  fellow,  the  king 
purposely  sent  him  to  number  the  people  here,  and  inform 
him  well  what  we  were,  and  our  state.  Arriving  at 
Plymouth,  according  to  his  directions,  he  got  a  long 
stick,  whereon  by  notches  he  did  think  to  have  kept  the 
number  of  all  the  men  he  could  see  ;  but  he  was  quickly 


262  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

weary  of  that  task.  Coming  to  London,  where  by 
chance  I  met  him,  having  renewed  our  acquaintance, 
where  many  were  desirous  to  hear  and  see  his  behavior, 
he  told  me  Powhatan  did  bid  him  to  find  me  out,  to 
show  him  our  God,  the  king,  queen,  and  prince  I  so 
much  had  told  them  of.  Concerning  God  I  told  him 
the  best  I  could  ;  the  king  I  heard  he  had  seen  ;  and 
the  rest  he  should  see  when  he  would.  He  denied  ever 
to  have  seen  the  king,  till  by  circumstances  he  was 
satisfied  he  had.  Then  he  replied  very  sadly,  "  You 
gave  Powhatan  a  white  dog,  which  Powhatan  fed  as 
himself ;  but  your  king  gave  me  nothing,  and  I  am 
better  than  your  white  dog." 

The  small  time  I  staid  in  London,  divers  courtiers 
and  others  my  acquaintances  hath  gone  with  me  to  see 
her,  that  generally  concluded  they  did  think  God  had  a 
great  hand  in  her  conversion ;  and  they  have  seen  many 
English  ladies  worse  favored,  proportioned,  and  behaved. 
And,  as  since  I  have  heard,  it  pleased  both  the  king's 
and  queen's  Majesty  honorably  to  esteem  her,  accom 
panied  with  that  honorable  lady,  the  Lady  De  la  Ware, 
and  that  honorable  lord,  her  husband,  and  divers  other 
persons  of  good  qualities,  both  publicly  at  the  masques, 
and  otherwise,  to  her  great  satisfaction  and  content ; 
which  doubtless  she  would  have  deserved,  had  she  lived 
to  arrive  in  Virginia. 

The  treasurer,  council,  and  company  having  well 
furnished  Captain  Samuel  Argall,  the  lady  Pocahontas 
alias  Rebecca,  with  her  husband  and  others,  in  the  good 
ship  called  "The  George,"  it  pleased  God  at  Gravesend 
to  take  this  young  lady  to  his  mercy,  where  she  made 


FIRST    BUILDINGS    OF    THE    VIRGINIA    COLONISTS.    263 

not  more  sorrow  for  her  unexpected  death  than  joy  to 
the  beholders  to  hear  and  see  her  make  so  religious 
and  godly  an  end.  Her  little  child,  Thomas  Rolfe, 
therefore  was  left  at  Plymouth  with  Sir  Lewis  Stukely 
that  desired  the  keeping  of  it. 


XII.  —  FIRST  BUILDINGS  OF  THE  VIRGINIA  COLONISTS. 

[This  description  was  written  by  Smith  in  the  last  year  of  his  life, 
-1631.] 

WHEN  I  went  first  to  Virginia,  I  well  remember  we 
did  hang  an  awning  —  which  is.  an  old  sail  —  to  three 
or  four  trees  to  shadow  us  from  the  sun.  Our  walls 
were  rails  of  wood,  our  seats  unhewed  trees  till  we  cut 
planks,  our  pulpit  a  bar  of  wood  nailed  to  two  neigh 
boring  trees.  In  foul  weather  we  shifted  into  an  old 
rotten  tent,  for  we  had  few  better ;  and  this  came  by  the 
way  of  adventure J  for  new.  This  was  our  church  till 
we  built  a  homely  thing  like  a  barn,  set  upon  crotchets, 
covered  with -rafts,  sedge,  and  earth:  so  was  also  the 
walls.  The  best  of  our  houses  [were]  of  the  like  curi 
osity,2  but  the  most  part  far  much  worse  workmanship, 
that  could  neither  well  defend  3  wind  nor  rain  ;  yet  we 
had  daily  common  prayer  morning  and  evening,  every 
Sunday  two  sermons,  and  every  three  months  the  holy 
communion,  till  our  minister  died.  But  our  prayers 
daily,  with  an  homily  on  Sundays,  we  continued  two  or 
three  years  after,  till  more  preachers  came.  .  .  . 

Notwithstanding,  out  of  the  relics  of  our  miseries, 
time  and  experience  had  brought  that  country  to  a 

1  Trade.  2  Equally  curious.  3  Keep  out. 


264  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH    IN    VIRGINIA. 

great  happiness,  had  they  not  so  much  doted  on  their 
tobacco,  on  whose  furnish1  foundation  there  is  small 
stability ;  there  being  so  many  good  commodities  be 
sides. 


XIII.  —  CAPTAIN    JOHN    SMITH'S   RECOLLECTIONS   OF 
HIS  OWN  LIFE. 

[Also  written  in  the  last  year  of  his  life,  —  1631.] 

THE  wars  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa,  taught  me  how 
to  subdue  the  wild  savages  in  Virginia  and  New  England 
in  America.  .  .  .  Having  been  a  slave  to  the  Turks, 
prisoner  amongst  the  most  barbarous  savages  ;  after  my 
deliverance  commonly  discovering  and  ranging  those 
large  rivers  and  unknown  nations,  with  such  a  handful 
of  ignorant  companions,  that  the  wiser  sort  often  gave 
me  for  lost ;  always  in  mutinies,  wants,  and  miseries ; 
blown  up  with  gunpowder  ;  a  long  time  prisoner  among 
the  French  pirates,  from  whom  escaping  in  a  little  boat 
by  myself,  and  adrift  all  such  a  stormy  winter  night,  when 
their  ships  were  split,  more  than'  an  hundred  thousand 
pound  lost,  we  had  taken  at  sea,  and  most  of  them 
drowned  upon  the  Isle  of  Ree,2  not  far  from  whence  I  was 
driven  on  shore  in  my  little  boat,  &c. ;  and  many  a  score 
of  the  worst  of  winter  months  lived  in  the  fields ;  yet  to 
have  lived  near  thirty-seven  years  in  the  midst  of  wars, 
pestilence,  and  famine,  by  which  many  an  hundred 
thousand  have  died  about  me,  and  scarce  five  living  of 
them  went  first  with  me  to  Virginia,  and  see  the  fruits 
l  Smoky.  2  Re  or  Rhe. 


SMITH'S  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  HIS  OWN  LIFE.      265 

of  my  labors  thus  well  begin  to  prosper,  —  though  I  have 
but  my  labor  for  my  pains,  have  I  not  much  reason 
both  privately  and  publicly  to  acknowledge  it,  and  give 
God  thanks,  whose  omnipotent  power  only  delivered  me 
to  do  the  utmost  of  my  best  to  make  his  name  known 
in  those  remote  parts  of  the  world,  and  his  loving  mercy 
to  such  a  miserable  sinner  ? 


BOOK  XII. 

CHAMPLAIN  ON  THE  WAR-PATH. 

(A.D.  1609.) 


This  passage  is  taken  from  "  Voyages  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  par  le 
Sieur  de  Champlain,"  Paris,  1632,  as  translated  in  O'Callaghan's  "Docu 
mentary  History  of  the  State  of  New  York,"  vol.  iii.  p.  3. 

Parkman  gives  a  full  account  of  Champlain's  adventures,  in  the  latter 
half  of  his  "  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,"  from  p.  165  onward. 


CHAMPLAIN   ON   THE   WAR-PATH. 


CHAMPLATN  ON  THE  WAR-PATH. 

[This  narrative  is  of  great  interest,  as  showing  the  mode  of  early  Indian 
warfare,  and  the  way  in  which  the  French  at  once  modified  it  by  teaching 
them  the  use  of  fire-arms.  It  also  illustrates  the  way  in  which  the  French 
explored  the  interior  of  the  country,  even  before  the  English  had  colo 
nized  the  coasts,  thus  giving  rise  to  that  dispute  out  of  which  grew  the 
series  of  French  and  Indian  wars.  Samuel  de  Champlain  first  sailed  for 
America  in  1603,  and  was  the  founder  and  governor  of  Quebec.] 

I  LEFT  the  rapid  !  of  the  said  River  of  the  Iroquois 
on  the  2d  of  July  (1609).     All  the   savages  2  began 
carrying  their  canoes,  arms,  and  traps  over  land,  about 
a  league  and  a  half,  to  avoid  the  current  and   force  of 
the  rapid.     This  was  quickly  effected. 

They  immediately  launched  the  canoes  into  the 
water,  two  men  in  each  with  their  baggage,  whilst  one 
of  the  men  went  by  land  about  a  league  and  a  half, 
.which  was  the  probable  extent  of  said  rapid,  though 
not  so  violent  as  at  the  foot,  except  at  some  points 
where  rocks  obstructed  the  river,  which  is  no  more 

1  Now  Chambly,  Canada  East.  2  A  tribe  of  Algonquins. 

269 


270 


CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH. 


than  three  to  four  hundred  paces  wide.  After  the 
rapid  was  passed,  though  not  without  trouble,  all  the 
Indians  who  had  gone  by  land  over  a  pretty  good  road 
and  level  country,  though  covered  with  timber,  re-em 
barked  in  their  canoes.  My  men  were  also  on  land, 
and  I  on  the  water,  in  a  canoe.  They  reviewed  all 
their  force,  and  found  twenty  four  canoes  with  sixty 
men.  After  having  completed  their  review,  we  contin 
ued  our  journey  as  far  as  an  island,  three  leagues  long, 

covered  with  the  finest  pines 
I  ever  beheld.  They  hunted, 
and  caught  some  wild  ani 
mals  there.  Passing  thence 
about  three  leagues  farther 
on,  we  camped,  in  order  to 
rest  for  the  night. 

Forthwith  some  began  to 
cut  down  timber,  others  to 
pull  off  bark  to  cover  lodges 
to  shelter  them,  others  to 
fell  large  trees  with  which  to 
on  the  shore  They  know  so 
well  how  to  construct  these  barricades,  that  five  hun 
dred  of  their  enemies  would  find  considerable  difficulty 
in  forcing  them,  in  less  than  two  hours,  without  great 
loss.  They  do  not  fortify  the  side  of  the  river  along 
which  their  canoes  are  ranged,  so  as  to  be  able  to 
embark,  should  occasion  require. 

After  they  had  camped,  they  despatched  three  canoes 
with  nine  good  men,  as  is  their  custom  at  all  their  en 
campments,  to  reconnoitre  within  two  or  three  leagues, 
if  they  see  any  thing;  after  which  they  retire.  They 


CHAMPLAIN. 


barricade 


their  lodges 


CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH.  271 

depend  the  whole  night  on  the  exploration  of  the  van 
guard,  which  is  a  bad  habit  of  theirs  ;  for  sometimes 
their  enemies  surprise  them  asleep,  .and  kill  them,  with 
out  [their]  having  an  opportunity  of  recovering  their  feet 
to  defend  themselves. 

Remarking  that,  I  remonstrated  with  them  against 
the  error  they  committed  ;  told  them  to  watch,  as  they 
saw  us  do,  all  night,  and  to  have  outposts  to  'spy  and 
see  if  they  could  perceive  any  thing,  and  not  to  live  in 
that  style,  like  cattle.  They  told  me  they  couldn't 
watch,  and  that  they  labored  all  day  hunting.  So  that, 
when  they  go  to  war,  they  divide  their  force  into  three  : 
to  wit,  one  party,  scattered  in  divers  places,  hunting; 
another  forms  the  main  body,  which  is  always  under 
arms  ;  and  another  party  as  a  vanguard,  to  scout  along 
the  river,  and  see  whether  they  will  not  discover  some 
trail  or  mark  indicating  the  passage  of  friends  or 
enemies.  This  they  ascertain  by  certain  marks  the 
chiefs  of  one  nation  give  to  those  of  another,  which 
are  not  always  alike,  notifying  each  other  from  time  to 
time  when  they  alter  any.  By  this  means,  they  recog 
nize  whether  those  who  have  passed  are  friends  or 
enemies. 

The  hunters  never  hunt  in  advance  of  the  main  body, 
or  the  scouts,  so  as  not  to  create  any  alarm  or  dis 
order,  but  in  the  rear,  and  in  the  direction  where  they 
do  not  apprehend  enemies.  They  thus  continue  until 
they  are  two  or  three  days'  journey  from  the  foe,  wrhen 
they  advance  stealthily  by  night,  all  in  a  body,  except 
the  scouts,  and  retire  by  day  into  the  picket-fort,  where 
they  repose,  without  wandering  abroad,  making  any 
noise,  or  building  a  fire,  even  for  cooking,  during  that 


272  CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH. 

time,  so  as  not  to  be  discovered,  should  their  enemies 
happen  to  pass.  The  only  fire  they  make  is  to  smoke. 
They  eat  dried  Indian  meal,  which  they  steep  in  water, 
like  porridge.  They  prepare  this  meal  for  use  when 
they  are  pinched,  and  when  they  are  near  the  enemy, 
or  when  retreating.  After  these  attacks,  they  do  not 
amuse  themselves  hunting,  retreating  precipitately.  .  .  . 

We  left  next  day,  continuing  our  route  along  the 
river  as  far  as  the  lake.1  Here  are  a  number  of  beau 
tiful  but  low  islands,  filled  with  very  fine  woods  and 
prairies,  a  quantity  of  game  and  wild  animals,  such  as 
stags,  deer,  fawns,  roebucks,  bears,  and  other  sorts  of 
animals  that  come  from  the  mainland  to  the  said 
islands.  We  caught  a  quantity  of  them.  There  is  also 
quite  a  number  of  beavers,  as  well  in  the  river  as  in 
several  other  streams  which  fall  irrto  it.  These  parts, 
though  agreeable,  are  not  inhabited  by  any  Indians, 
in  consequence  of  their  wars.  They  retire  from  the 
rivers  as  far  as  possible,  deep  into  the  country,  in 
order  not  to  be  so  soon  discovered. 

Next  day,  we  entered  the  lake,  which  is  of  consid 
erable  extent,  some  fifty  or  sixty  leagues,  where  I  saw 
four  beautiful  islands,  ten,  twelve,  and  fifteen  leagues 
in  length,  formerly  inhabited,  as  well  as  the  Iroquois 
River,  by  Indians,  but  abandoned  since  they  have  been 
at  war  the  one  with  the  other.  Several  rivers,  also, 
discharge  into  the  lake,  surrounded  by  a  number  of 
fine  trees  similar  to  those  we  have  in  France,  with  a 
quantity  of  vines  handsomer  than  any  I  ever  saw  ;  a 
great  many  chestnuts ;  and  I  had  not  yet  seen,  except 
l  Lake  Champlain. 


CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH.  '  273 

the  margin  of  -the  lake,  where  there  is  a  larger  abun 
dance  of  fish  of  divers  species.  Among  the  rest  there 
is  one  called  by  the  Indians  of  the  country  chaousa- 
rou?  of  divers  lengths.  The  largest,  I  was  informed 
by  the  people,  are  of  eight  to  ten  feet.  I  saw  one  of 
five,  as  thick  as  a  thigh,  with  a  head  as  big  as  two  fists, 
with  jaws  two  feet  and  a  half  long,  and  a  double  set  of 
very  sharp  and  dangerous  teeth.  The  form  of  the 
body  resembles  that  of  the  pike ;  and  it  is  armed  with 
scales  that  the  thrust  of  a  poniard  cannot  pierce  ;  and 
it  is  of  a  silver  gray-color.  The  point  of  the  snout  is 
like  that  of  a  hog.  This  fish  makes  war  on  all  others 
in  the  lakes  and  rivers,  and  possesses,  as  these  people 
assure,  a  wonderful  instinct;  which  is,  that,  when  it 
wants  to  catch  any  birds,  it  goes  among  the  rushes  or 
reeds  bordering  the  lake  in  many  places,  keeping  the 
beak  out  of  the  water  without  budging ;  so  that  when 
birds  perch  on  the  beak,  imagining  it  a  limb  of  a  tree, 
it  is  so  subtle,  that,  closing  the  jaws  which  it  keeps  half 
open,  it  draws  the  birds  under  water  by  the  feet.  The 
Indians  gave  me  a  head  of  it,  which  they  prize  highly, 
saying,  when  they  have  a  headache,  they  let  blood  with 
the  teeth  of  this  fish  at  the  seat  of  the  pain,  which  im 
mediately  goes  away. 

Continuing  our  route  along  the  west  side  of  the  lake, 
contemplating  the  country,  I  saw  on  the  east  side  very 
high  mountains  capped  with  snow.  I  asked  the  Indians 
if  those  parts  were  inhabited.  They  answered  me  yes, 
and  that  they  were  Iroquois,  and  that  there  were  in 
those  parts  beautiful  valleys,  and  fields  fertile  in  corn 
as  good  as  I  had  ever  eaten  in  the  country,  with  an 

1  The  gar-fish,  or  bony  pike. 


274  CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH. 

infinitude  of  other  fruits ;  and  that  the  lake  extended 
close  to  the  mountains,  which  were,  according  to  my 
judgment,  fifteen  leagues  from  us.  I  saw  others  to  the 
south,  not  less  high  than  the  former ;  only  that  they 
were  without  snow.  The  Indians  told  me  it  was  there 
we  were  to  go  to  meet  their  enemies,  and  that  they 
were  thickly  inhabited,  and  that  we  must  pass  by  a 
waterfall,1  which  I  afterwards  saw,  and  thence  enter 
another  lake2  three  or  four  leagues  long;  and,  having 
arrived  at  its  head,  there  were  four  leagues  overland  to 
be  travelled  to  pass  to  a  river8  which  flows  towards  the 
coast  of  the  Almouchiquois,  tending  towards  that  of 
the  Almouchiquois,4  and  they  were  only  two  days* 
going  there  in  their  canoes,  as  I  understood  since  from 
some  prisoners  we  took,  who,  by  means  of  some  Algon 
quin  interpreters  who  were  acquainted  with  the  Iro- 
quois  language,  conversed  freely  with  me  about  all  they 
had  noticed. 

Now,  on  coming  within  about  two  or  three  days' 
journey  of  the  enemy's  quarters,  we  travelled  only  by 
night,  and  rested  by  day.  Nevertheless,  they  never 
omitted  their  usual  superstitions  to  ascertain  whether 
their  enterprise  would  be  successful,  and  often  asked 
me  whether  I  had  dreamed,  and  seen  their  enemies.  I 
answered  No,  and  encouraged  them,  and  gave  them 
good  hopes.  Night  fell,  and  we  continued  our  journey 
until  morning,  when  we  withdrew  into  the  picket-fort 
to  pass  the  remainder  of  the  day  there.  About  ten  or 
eleven  o'clock,  I  lay  down,  after  having  walked  some 
time  around  our  quarters ;  and,  falling  asleep,  I  thought 

1  Ticonderoga.  2  Lake  George. 

3  Hudson  River.  4  Indians  east  of  Cape  Cod. 


CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH.  275 

I  beheld  our  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  drowning  within 
sight  of  us  in  the  lake  near  a  mountain ;  and  being 
desirous  to  save  them,  that  our  savage  allies  told  me 
that  I  must  let  them  all  perish,  as  they  were  good  for 
nothing.  On  awaking,  they  did  not  omit,  as  usual,  to 
ask  me  if  I  had  any  dream.  I  did  tell  them,  in  fact, 
what  I  had  dreamed.  It  gained  such  credit  among 
them,  that  they  no  longer  doubted  but  they  should  meet 
with  success. 

At  nightfall  we.  embarked  in  our  canoes  to  continue 
our  journey,  and,  as  we  advanced  very  softly  and  noise 
lessly,  we  encountered  a  war-party  of  Iroquois,  on  the 
29th  of  the  month,  about  ten  o'clock  at  night,  at 
the  point  of  a  cape  which  juts  into  the  lake  on  the 
west  side.  They  and  we  began  to  shout,  each  seizing 
his  arms.  We  withdrew  towards  the  water ;  and  the 
Iroquois  repaired  on  shore,  and  arranged  all  their 
canoes,  the  one  beside  the  other,  and  began  to  hew 
down  trees  with  villanous  axes  which  they  sometimes 
got  in  war,  and  other  of  stone,  and  fortified  themselves 
very  securely.  Our  party  likewise  kept  their  canoes 
arranged,  the  one  alongside  the  other,  tied  to  poles  so 
as  not  to  run  adrift,  in  order  to  fight  all  together,  should 
need  be.  We  were  on  the  water  about  an  arrow-shot 
from  their  barricades. 

When  they  were  armed  and  in  order,  they  sent  two 
canoes  from  the  fleet,  to  know  if  their  enemies  wished 
to  fight ;  who  answered  they  desired  nothing  else,  but 
that  just  then  there  was  not  much  light,  and  that  we 
must  wait  for  day  to  distinguish  each  other,  and  that 
they  would  give  us  battle  at  sunrise.  This  was  agreed 
to  by  our  party.  Meanwhile  the  whole  night  was  spent 


276  CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH. 

in  dancing  and  singing,  as  well  on  one  side  as  on  the 
other,  mingled  with  an  infinitude  of  insults  and  other 
taunts ;  such  as  the  little  courage  they  had,  how  pow 
erless  their  resistance  against  their  arms,  and,  that 
when  day  would  break,  they  should  experience  this  to 
their  ruin.  Ours,  likewise,  did  not  fail  in  repartee, 
telling  they  should  witness  the  effect  of  arms  they  had 
never  seen  before  ;  and  a  multitude  of  other  speeches, 
as  is  usual  at  a  siege  of  a  town.  After  the  one  and  the 
other  had  sung,  danced,  and  parliamented1  enough,  day 
broke.  My  companions  and  I  were  always  concealed, 
for  fear  the  enemy  should  see  us  preparing  our  arms 
the  best  we  could,  being,  however,  separated,  each  in 
one  of  the  canoes  belonging  to  the  savage  Montagnars* 
After  being  equipped  with  light  armor,  we  took  each 
an  arquebuse,  and  went  ashore.  I  saw  the  enemy  leave 
their  barricade.  They  were  about  two  hundred  men, 
of  strong  and  robust  appearance,  who  were  coming 
slowly  toward  us,  with  a  gravity  and  assurance  which 
greatly  pleased  me,  led  on  by  three  chiefs.  Ours  were 
marching  in  similar  order,  and  told  me  that  those  who 
bore  three  lofty  plumes  were  the  chiefs,  and  that  there 
were  but  these  three,  and  they  were  to  be  recognized 
by  those  plumes,  which  were  considerably  larger  than 
those  of  their  companions,  and  that  I  must  do  all  I 
could  to  kill  them.  I  promised  to  do  what  I  could, 
and  that  I  was  very  sorry  they  could  not  clearly  under 
stand  me,  so  as  to  give  them  the  order  and  plan  of 
attacking  their  enemies,  as  we  should  indubitably  de 
feat  them  all,  —  but  there  was  no  help  for  that,  —  that  I 

1  Parleyed  or  discussed. 

2  A  name  given  to  all  the  St.  Lawrence  Indians. 


H  ft 

0, 

& 


CHAMPLAIN    ON    THE    WAR-PATH.  277 

was  very  glad  to  encourage  them,  and  to  manifest  to 
them  my  good-will  when  we  should  be  engaged. 

The  moment  we  landed,  they  began  to  run  about  two 
hundred  paces  towards  their  enemies,  who  stood  firm, 
and  had  not  yet  perceived  my  companions,  who  went 
into  the  bush  with  some  savages.  Ours  commenced 
calling  me  in  a  loud  voice,  and,  making  way  for  me, 
opened  in  two,  and  placed  me  at  their  head,  marching 
about  twenty  paces  in  advance,  until  I  was  within  thirty 
paces  of  the  enemy.  The  moment  they  saw  me,  they 
halted,  gazing  at  me,  and  I  at  them.  When  I  saw  them 
preparing  to  shoot  at  us,  I  raised  my  arquebuse,  and, 
aiming  directly  at  one  of  the  three  chiefs,  two  of  them 
fell  to  the  ground  by  this  shot,  and  one  of  their  com 
panions  received  a  wound  of  which  he  died  after 
wards.  I  had  put  four  balls  in  my  arquebuse.  Ours,  on 
witnessing  a  shot  so  favorable  for  them,  set  up  such 
tremendous  shouts,  that  thunder  could  not  have  been 
heard  ;  and  yet  there  was  no  lack  of  arrows  on  one 
side  and  the  other. 

The  Iroquois  were  greatly  astonished,  seeing  two 
men  killed  so  instantaneously,  notwithstanding  they 
were  provided  with  arrow-proof  armor,  woven  of  cotton 
thread  and  wood :  this  frightened  them  very  much. 
Whilst  I  was  reloading,  one  of  my  companions  in  the 
bush  fired  a  shot,  which  so  astonished  them  anew,  see 
ing  their  chiefs  slain,  that  they  lost  courage,  took  to 
flight,  and  abandoned  the  field  and  their  fort,  hiding 
themselves  in  the  depths  of  the  forest,  whither  pursuing 
them,  I  killed  some  others.  Our  savages  also  killed 
several  of  them,  and  took  ten  or  twelve  prisoners.  The 
rest  carried  off  the  wounded.  Fifteen  or  sixteen  of  ours 
were  wounded  by  arrows :  they  were  promptly  cured. 


278  CHAMPLA1N    ON    THE    WAR-PATH. 

After  having  gained  the  victory,  they  amused  them 
selves  plundering  Indian  corn  and  meal  from  the 
enemy,  also  their  arms  which  they  had  thrown  away 
in  order  to  run  better.  And  having  feasted,  danced, 
and  sung,  we  returned  three  hours  afterwards  with  the 
prisoners. 

The  place  where  this  battle  was  fought  is  in  forty- 
three  degrees  some  minutes  latitude;  and  I  named  it 
Lake  Champlain. 


BOOK  XIII. 

HENRY  HUDSON  AND  THE  NEW 
NETHERLANDS. 

(A.D.  1609-1626.) 


The  extracts  relating  to  Henry  Hudson  are  reprinted  from  a  very  valu 
able  book,  containing  many  original  documents  in  regard  to  him,  and 
entitled  "  Henry  Hudson  the  Navigator.  The  original  documents  in 
which  his  career  is  recorded  .*  .  .  with  an  Introduction  by  G.  M.  Asher, 
LL.D."  London,  Hakluyt  Society,  1859,  pp.  77-9^,  174-179,  117-123. 
The  same  narratives  may  be  found  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims,  vol.  iii. 

There  is  a  Life  of  Henry  Hudson  by  Henry  R.  Cleveland  in  Sparks's 
"American  Biography,"  vol.  x.  Brodhead's  "History  of  New  York" 
and  O'Callaghan's  "  History  of  New  Netherlands"  also  contain  much  in 
formation  concerning  him. 

To  show  the  result  of  Hudson's  discoveries,  I  give  also  a  series  of 
extracts  from  early  Dutch  chronicles,  describing  in  quaint  language  the 
first  founding  of  the  New  Netherlands.  It  is  translated  from  Was- 
senaer's  "Historic  van  Europa"  (Amsterdam,  1621-1632),  and  is  taken 
from  O'Callaghan's  "Documentary  History  of  the  State  of  New  York," 
vol.  iii.  pp.  27-28,  42-44. 


HENRY  HUDSON  AND  THE  NEW 
NETHERLANDS. 


I.  —  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  HUDSON  RIVER. 

[Hudson  sailed  from  Amsterdam,  on  his  third  voyage,  March  25,  1609. 
These  extracts  are  from  the  diary  of  Robert  Juet,  one  of  his  men,  begin 
ning  on  the  da£  when  they  saw  Sandy  Hook,  at  the  entrance  of  what  is 
now  New  York  harbor,  Sept.  2,  1609.] 

THEN  the  sun  arose,  and  we  steered  away  north 
again,  and  saw  the  land  from  the  west  by  north, 
to  the  north-west  by  north,  all  like  broken  islands;1  and 
our  soundings  were  eleven  and  ten  fathoms.2  Then 
we  luffed 3  in  for  the  shore,  and  fair  by  the  shore  we 
had  seven  fathoms.  The  course  along  the  land  we 
found  to  be  north-east  by  north  from  the  land  which 
we  had  first  sight  of,  until  we  came  to  a  great  lake 
of  water,  as  we  could  judge  it  to  be,  being  drowned 
land,4  which  made  it  to  rise  like  islands,  which  was  in 
length  ten  leagues.  The  mouth  of  that  land  hath 
many  shoals,  and  the  sea  breaketh  on  them  as  it  is 
cast  out  of  the  mouth  of  it.  And  from  that  lake  or 

i  Sandy  Hook.  2  A  fathom  is  six  feet. 

*  Sailed  to  windward.  *  Flats  covered  by.  the  tide. 

281 


252  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

bay,  the  land  lieth  north  by  east,  and  we  had  a  great 
stream  out  of  the  bay  ;  and  from  thence  our  sounding 
was  ten  fathoms  two  leagues  from  the  land.  .  .  .  The 
3d  [September]  the  morning  misty  until  ten  of  the 
clock  ;  then  it  cleared,  and  the  wind  came  to  the  south 
south-east :  so  we  weighed,  and  stood  to  the  northward. 
The  land  is  very  pleasant  and  high,  and  bold  to  fall 
withal.1 

At  three  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon  we  came  to 
three  great  rivers.  So  we  stood  along  to  the  northern 
most,  thinking  to  have  gone  into  it ;  but  we  found  it 
to  have  a  very  shoal  bar  before  it,  for  we  had  but  ten 
foot  water.  Then  we  cast  about  to  the  southward,  and 
found  two  fathoms,  three  fathoms,  and  three  and  a 
quarter,  till  we  came  to  the  souther  side  of  them  ;  then 
we  had  five  and  six  fathoms,  and  anchored.  So  we 
sent  in  our  boat  to  sound ;  and  they  found  no  less 
water  than  four,  five,  six,  and  seven  fathoms,  and  re 
turned  in  an  hour  and  a  half.  So  we  weighed  and 
went  in,  and  rode  in  five  fathoms,  ooze  ground,  and 
saw  salmons  and  mullets,  and  rays  very  great.  The 
height 2  is  40°  30'. 

The  4th,  in  the  morning,  as  soon  as  the  day  was 
light,  we  saw  that  it  was  good  riding  3  farther  up.  So 
we  sent  our  boat  to  sound,  and  found  that  it  was  a 
very  good  harbor,  and  four  and  five  fathoms  two 
cables'  length  from  the  shore.  Then  we  weighed,  and 
went  in  with  our  ship.  Then  our  boat  went  on  4  land 
with  our  net  to  fish,  and  caught  ten  great  mullets  of  a 
foot  and  a  half  long  apiece,  and  a  ray  as  great  as  four 

1  i.e.,  conspicuous  to  approach.  2  North  latitude. 

3  Anchorage.  4  To. 


DISCOVERY    OF    THE    HUDSON    RIVER.  283 

men  could  haul  into  the  ship.  So  we  trimmed  our 
boat,  and  rode  still  all  day.  At  night,  the  wind  blew 
hard  at  the  north-west,  and  our  anchor  came  home;1 
and  we  drove  on  shore,  but  took  no  hurt,  thanked  be 
God  !  for  the  ground  is  soft  sand  and  ooze.  This  day 
the  people  of  the  country  came  aboard  of  us,  seeming 
very  glad  of  our  coming,  and  brought  green  tobacco, 
and  gave  us  of  it  for  knives  and  beads.  They  go  in 
deerskins,  loose,  well  dressed.  They  have  yellow  cop 
per.  They  desire  clothes,  and  are  very  civil.  They 
have  great  stores  of  maize  or  Indian  wheat,  whereof 
they  make  good  bread.  The  country  is  full  of  great 
and  tall  oaks. 

The  5th  in  the  morning,  as  soon  as  the  day  was  light, 
the  wind  ceased,  and  the  flood 2  came.  So  we  heaved 
off  our  ship  again  into  five  fathoms  water,  and  sent  our 
boat  to  sound  the  bay ;  and  we  found  that  there  was 
three  fathoms  [depth]  hard  by  the  souther  shore.  Our 
men  went  on  ^and  there,  and  saw  great  store  of  men, 
women,  and  children,  who  gave  them  tobacco  at  their 
coming  on  land.  So  they  went  up  into  the  woods,  and 
saw  great  store  of  very  goodly  oaks,  and  some  currants. 
For  one  of  them  came  aboard,  and  brought  some  dried, 
and  gave  me  some,  which  were  sweet  and  good.  This 
day  many  of  the  people  came  aboard,  some  in  man 
tles  of  feathers,  and  some  in  skins  of  divers  sorts  of 
good  furs.  Some  women  also  came  to  us  with  hemp. 
They  had  red  copper  tobacco-pipes ;  and  other  things 
of  copper  they  did  wear  about  their  necks.  At  night 
they  went  on  land  again  :  so  we  rode  very  quiet,  but 
durst  not  trust  them. 

1  i.e.,  did  not  hold.  2  Flood-tide. 


284  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

The  6th  in  the  morning  was  fair  weather ;  and  our 
master  sent  John  Colman  with  four  other  men  in  our 
boat,  over  to  the  north  side  to  sound  the  other  river, 
being  four  leagues  from  us.  They  found  by  the  way 
shoal  water,  two  fathoms,  but  at  the  north  of  the  river 
eighteen  and  twenty  fathoms,  and  very  good  riding 
for  ships,  and  a  narrow  river  to  the  westward  between 
two  islands.  The  lands,  they  told  us,  were  as  pleasant 
with  grass  and  flowers  and  goodly  trees  as  ever  they 
had  seen,  and  very  sweet  smells  came  from  them.  So 
they  went  in  two  -leagues,  and  saw  an  open  sea,  and 
returned ;  and,  as  they  came  back,  they  were  set  upon 
by  two  canoes,  the  one  having  twelve,  the  other  four 
teen  men.  The  night  came  on,  and  it  began  to  rain, 
so  that  their  match1  went  out ;  and  they  had  one  man 
slain  in  the  fight,  —  which  was  an  Englishman  named 
John  Colman,  —  with  an  arrow  shot  into  his  throat,  and 
two  more  hurt.  It  grew  so  dark,  that  they  could  not 
find  the  ship  that  night,  but  labored  4o  and  fro  on 
their  oars.  They  had  so  great  a  stream,  that  their 
grapnel 2  would  not  hold  them. 

The  yth  was  fair,  and  by  ten  of  the  clock  they  re 
turned  aboard  the  ship,  and  brought  our  dead  man  with 
them,  whom  we  carried  on  land,  and  buried,  and  named 
the  point  after  his  name,  Colman's  Point.  Then  we 
hoisted  in  our  boat,  and  raised  her  side  with  waste- 
boards  for  defence  of  our  men.  So  we  rode  still  all 
night,  having  good  regard  to  our  watch. 

The  8th  was  very  fair  weather:  we  rode  still  very 
quietly.  The  people  came  aboard  us,  and  brought 

1  They  used  matchlock  muskets,  for  which  a  match  had  to  be  kept 
burning.  2  A  small  anchor. 


DISCOVERY    OF    THE    HUDSON    RIVER.  285 

tobacco  and  Indian  wheat,  to  exchange  for  knives  and 
beads,  and  offered  us  no  violence.  So  we,  fitting  up 
our  boat,  did  mark l  them  to  see  if  they  would  make 
any  show2  of  the  death  of  our  man  ;  which  they  did 
not. 

The  Qth,  fair  weather.  In  the  morning  two  great 
canoes  came  aboard,  full  of  men,  —  the  one  with  their 
bows  and  arrows,  and  the  other  in  show  of  buying  of 
knives,  to  betray  us ;  but  we  perceived  their  intent. 
We  took  two  of  them  to  have  kept  them,  and  put  red 
coats  on  them,  and  would  not  surfer  the  other  to  come 
near  us.  So  they  went  on  land  ;  and  two  other  came 
aboard  in  a  canoe.  We  took  the  one,  and  let  the  other 
go ;  but  he  which  we  had  taken  got  up,  and  leaped 
overboard.  Then  we  weighed,  and  went  off  into  the 
channel  of  the  river,  and  anchored  there  all  night.  .  .  . 

The  1 2th,  very  fair  and  hot.  In  the  afternoon,  at 
two  of  the  clock,  we  weighed,  the  wind  being  variable 
between  the  north  and  north-west.  So  we  turned  into 
the  river  two  leagues,  and  anchored.  This  morning,  at 
our  first  ride  in  the  river,  there  came  eight  and  twenty 
canoes  full  of  men,  women,  and  children,  to  betray  us  ; 
but  we  saw  their  intent,  and  suffered  none  of  them  to 
come  aboard  of  us.  At  twelve  of  the  clock  they 
departed.  They  brought  with  them  oysters  and  beans, 
whereof  we  bought  some.  They  have  great  tobacco- 
pipes  of  yellow  copper,  and  pots  of  earth  to  dress  their 
meat  in.  ... 

The  1 5th,  in  the  morning,  was  misty,  until  the  sun 
arose  ;  then  it  cleared.  So  we  weighed  with  the  wind 
at  south,  and  ran  up  into  the  river  twenty  leagues, 

1  Observe.  2  i.e.,  show  that  they  knew  it. 


286     HUDSON  AND  THE  NEW  NETHERLANDS. 

passing  by  high  mountains.  We  had  a  very  good 
depth,  as  six,  seven,  eight,  nine,  ten,  twelve,  and 
thirteen  fathoms,  and  great  store  of  salmons  in  the 
river.  This  morning  our  two  savages  got  out  of  a  port, 
and  swam  away.  After  we  were  under  sail,  they  called 
to  us  in  scorn.  At  night  we  came  to  other  mountains, 
which  lie  from  the  river's  side.  There  we  found  very 
loving  people,  and  very  old  men,  where  we  were  well 
used.  Our  boat  went  to  fish,  and  caught  great  store 
of  very  good  fish. 

The  2oth,  in  the  morning,  was  fair  weather.  Our 
master's  mate,  with  four  men  more,  went  up  with  our 
boat  to  sound  the  river,  and  found,  two  leagues  above 
us,  but  two  fathoms  water,  and  the  channel  very  narrow, 
and,  above  that  place,  seven  or  eight  fathoms.  Toward 
night  they  returned  ;  and  we  rode  still  all  night.  The 
one  and  twentieth  was  fair  weather,  and  the  wind  all 
southerly.  We  determined  yet  once  more  to  go  farther 
up  into  the  river  to  try  what  depth  and  breadth  it  did 
bear  ;  but  much  people  resorted  aboard,  so  we  went  not 
this  day.  Our  carpenter  went  on  land,  and  made  a 
fore-yard.  And  our  master  and  his  mate  determined 
to  try  some  of  the  chief  men  of  the  country,  whether 
they  had  any  treachery  in  them.  So  they  took  them 
down  into  the  cabin,  and  gave  them  so  much  wine  and 
aqua  vita l  that  they  were  all  merry.  And  one  of  them 
had  his  wife  with  him,  which  sat  so  modestly  as  any 
of  our  countrywomen  would  do  in  a  strange  place.  In 
the  end,  one  of-  them  was  drunk,  which  had  been 
aboard  of  our  ship  all  the  time  that  we  had  been 
there  ;  and  that  was  strange  to  them  ;  for  they  could 

1  Brandy. 


0 

a 
r 

£§ 

<T>    ro 


DISCOVERY    OF    THE    HUDSON    RIVER.  287 

not  tell  how  to  take  it.  The  canoes  and  folk  went  all 
on  shore  ;  but  some  of  them  came  again,  and  brought 
strops1  of 'beads,  —  some  had  six,  seven,  eight,  nine, 
ten,  —  and  gave  him  :  so  he  slept  all  night  quietly. 

The  two  and  twentieth  was  fair  weather.  In  the 
morning  our  master's  mate  and  four  more  of  the  com 
pany  went  up  with  our  boat  to  sound  the  river  higher 
up.  The  people  of  the  country  came  not  aboard  till 
noon  ;  but  when  they  came,  and  saw  the  savages  well, 
they  were  glad.  So  at  three  of  the  clock  in  the  after 
noon,  they  came  aboard,  and  brought  tobacco  and  more 
beads,  and  gave  them  to  our  master,  and  made  an 
oration,  and  showed  him  all  the  country  round  about. 
Then  they  sent  one  of  their  company  on  land,  who 
presently  returned,  and  brought  a  great  platter  full  of 
venison,  dressed  by  themselves  ;  and  they  caused  him 
to  eat  with  them :  then  they  made  him  reverence,  and 
departed,  all  save  the  old  man  that  lay  aboard.  This 
night,  at  ten  of  the  clock,  our  boat  returned  in  a  shower 
of  rain,  from  sounding  of  the  river,  and  found  it  to  be 
at  an  end  for  shipping  to  go  in ;  for  they  had  been 
up  eight  or  nine  leagues,  and  found  but  seven  foot 
water,  and  inconstant  soundings. 

The  four  and  twentieth  was  fair  weather,  the  wind 
at  the  north-west.  We  weighed  [anchor],  and  went 
down  the  river  seven  or  eight  leagues  ;  and  at  half  ebb 
we  came  aground  on  a  bank  of  ooze  in  the  middle  of 
the  river,  and  sat 2  there  till  the  flood.  Then  we  went 
on  land,  and  gathered  good  store  of  chestnuts.3  At 
ten  of  the  clock  we  came  off  into  deep  water,  and 
anchored.  .  .  . 

1  Straps,  or  strings.  2  Staid. 

3  Probably  near  ihz  present  town  of  Hudson. 


288  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

The  six  and  twentieth  was  fair  weather,  and  the  wind 
at  south  a  stiff  gale.  We  rode  still.  In  the  morning, 
our  carpenter  went  on  land  with  our  master's  mate, 
and  four  more  of  our  company,  to  cut  wood.  This 
morning,  two  canoes  came  up  the  river  from  the  place 
where  we  first  found  loving  people  ;  and  in  one  of 
them  was  the  old  man  that  had  lain  aboard  of  us  at 
the  other  place.  He  brought  another  old  man  with 
him,  which  brought  more  strops  of  beads,  and  gave 
them  to  our  master,  and  showed  him  all  the  country 
thereabout  as  though  it  were  at  his  command.  So  he 
made  the  two  old  men  dine  with  him,  and  the  old 
man's  wife  ;  for  they  brought  two  old  women,  and  two 
young  maidens  of  the  age  of  sixteen  or  seventeen  years, 
with  them,  who  behaved  themselves  very  modestly. 
Our  master  gave  one  of  the  old  men  a  knife ;  and  they 
gave  him  and  us  tobacco.  And  at  one  of  the  clock 
they  departed  down  the  river,  making  signs  that  we 
should  come  down  to  them  ;  for  we  were  within  two 
leagues  of  the  place  where  they  dwelt.  .  .  . 

The  ist  of  October,  fair  weather,  the  wind  variable 
between  the  west  and  the  north.  In  the  morning  we 
weighed  at  seven  of  the  clock  with  the  ebb,  and  got 
down  below  the  mountains,  which  was  seven  leagues. 
Then  it  fell  calm,  and  the  flood  was  come,  and  we 
anchored  at  twelve  of  the  clock.  The  people  of  the 
mountains  came  aboard  us7  wondering  at  our  ship  and 
weapons.  We  bought  some  small  skins  of  them  for 
trifles.  This  afternoon,  one  canoe  kept  hanging 
under  our  stern  with  one  man  in  it,  which  we  could  not 
keep  from  thence,  who  got  up  by  our  rudder  to  the 
cabin-window,  and  stole  out  my  pillow,  two  shirts,  and 


DISCOVERY    OF    THE    HUDSON    RIVER.  289 

two  bandoleers.  Our  master's  mate  shot  at  him,  and 
struck  him  on  the  breast,  and  killed  him.  Whereupon 
all  the  rest  fled  away,  some  in  their  canoes,  and  so 
leaped  out  of  them  into  the  water.  We  manned  our 
boat,  and  got  our  things  again.  Then  one  of  them 


INDIANS    ON    BOARD    THE    HAF.F-.MOON. 


that  swam  got  hold  of  our  boat,  thinking  to  overthrow 
it.  But  our  cook  took  a  sword,  and  cut  off  one  of  his 
hands,  and  he  was  drowned.  By  this  time  the  ebb  was 
come,  and  we  weighed  and  got  down  two  leagues.  By 
that  time  it  was  dark.  So  we  anchored  in  four  fathoms 
water,  and  rode  well.  .  .  . 


2QO  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

The  4th  was  fair  weather,  and  the  wind  at  north 
north-west.  We  weighed,  and  came  out  of  the  river, 
into  which  we  had  run  so  far.  .  .  . 

By  twelve  of  the  clock  we  were  clear  of  all  the  inlet. 
Then  we  took  in  our  boat,  and  set  our  mainsail  and 
spritsail  and  topsails,  and  steered  away  east  south 
east  and  south-east  by  east,  off  into  the  main  sea.  .  .  . 

We  continued  our  course  toward  England,  without 
seeing  any  land  by  the  way,  all  the  rest  of  this  month 
of  October  ;  and  on  the  seventh  day  of  November, 
stilo  novo^  being  Saturday,  by  the  grace  of  God  we 
safely  arrived  in  the  range  of  Dartmouth,  in  Devon 
shire,  in  the  year  1609. 


II.  —  INDIAN   TRADITIONS   OF   HENRY   HUDSON'S 
ARRIVAL. 

[The  following  narrative  was  written  in  1801,  by  Rev.  John  Hecke- 
welder,  for  many  years  a  missionary  among  the  Indians ;  the  traditions 
having  been  told  to  him,  as  he  says,  forty  years  earlier,  that  is,  about  1761, 
a  century  and  a  half  after  the  coming  of  Hudson.] 

THE  following  account  of  the  first  arrival  of  Euro 
peans  at  New  York  Island  is  verbatim  as  it  was 
related  to  me  by  aged  and  respected  Delawares,  Mon- 
seys,  and  Mahicanni  (otherwise  called  Mohegans,  Ma- 
hicandus),  near  forty  years  ago.  It  is  copied  from 
notes  and  manuscripts  taken  on  the  spot.  They  say, — 

A  long  time   ago,    when   there   was   no    such    thing 

1  New  style.  What  was  called  the  "new  style"  of  reckoning  by  the 
Gregorian  Calendar  was  not  adopted  in  England  till  1753,  but  by  the  other 
nations  of  Europe  much  earlier. 


INDIAN    TRADITIONS    OF    HUDSON'S    ARRIVAL.       291 

known  to  the  Indians  as  people  with  a  white  skin, — 
their  expression,  —  some  Indians  who  had  been  out 
a-fishing,  and  where  the  sea  widens,  espied  at  a  great 
distance  something  remarkably  large,  swimming  or  float 
ing  on  the  water,  and  such  as  they  had  never  seen 
before.  They,  immediately  returning  to  the  shore,  ap 
prised  their  countrymen  of  what  they  had  seen,  and 
pressed  them  to  go  out  with  them,  and  discover  what  it 
might  be.  These  together  hurried  out,  and  saw,  to 
their  great  surprise,  the  phenomenon,  but  could  not 
agree  what  it  might  be  ;  some  concluding  it  to  be  an 
uncommon  large  fish  or  other  animal,  while  others 
were  of  opinion  it  must  be  some  very  large  house.  It 
was  at  length  agreed  among  those  who  were  spectators, 
that  as  this  phenomenon  moved  towards  the  land, — 
whether  or  not  it  was  an  animal,  or  any  thing  that  had 
life  in  it,  —  it  would  be  well  to  inform  all  the  Indians 
on  the  inhabited  islands  of  what  they  had  seen,  and  put 
them  on  their  guard. 

Accordingly,  they  sent  runners  and  watermen  off  to 
carry  the  news  to  their  scattered  chiefs,  that  these 
might  send  off  in  every  direction  for  the  warriors  to 
come  in.  These  arriving  in  numbers,  and  themselves 
viewing  the  strange  appearance,  and  that  it  was  actually 
moving  towards  them, —  the  entrance  of  the  river  or  bay, 
—  concluded  it  to  be  a  large  canoe  or  house,  in  which 
the  Mannitto  (great  or  supreme  Being)  himself  was,  and 
that  he  probably  was  coming  to  visit  them.  By  this 
time  the  chiefs  of  the  different  tribes  were  assembled 
on  York  Island,  and  were  deliberating  on  the  manner 
they  should  receive  their  Mannitto  on  his  arrival. 
Every  step  had  been  taken  to  be  well  provided  with 


292  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

plenty  of  meat  for  a  sacrifice.  The  women  were  re 
quired  to  prepare  the  best  of  victuals  ;  idols  or  images 
were^examined,  and  put  in  order  ;  and  a  great  dance 
was  supposed  not  only  to  be  an  agreeable  entertain 
ment  for  the  Mannitto,  but  might,  with  the  addition  of 
a'  sacrifice,  contribute  towards  appeasing  him,  in  case 
he  was  angry  with  them.  The  conjurers  were  also  set 
to  work  to  determine  what  the  meaning  of  this  phe 
nomenon  was,  and  what  the  result  would  be.  Both  to 
these,  and  to  the  chiefs  and  wise  men  of  the  nation, 
men,  women,  and  children  were  looking  up  for  advice 
and  protection.  Between  hope  and  fear,  and  in  con 
fusion,  a  dance  commenced. 

While  in  this  situation,  fresh  runners  arrive,  declaring 
it  a  house  of  various  colors,  and  crowded  with  living 
creatures.  It  now  appears  to  be  certain  that  it  is  the 
great  Mannitto  bringing  them  some  kind  of  game,  such 
as  they  had  not  before  ;  but  other  runners,  soon  after 
arriving,  declare  it  a  large  house  of  various  colors,  full 
of  people,  yet  of  quite  a  different  color  than  they  —  the 
Indians  —  are  of;  that  they  were  also  dressed  in  a  dif 
ferent  manner  from  them,  and  that  one  in  particular 
appeared  altogether  red,  which  must  be  the  Mannitto 
himself. 

They  are  soon  hailed  from  the  vessel,  though  in  a 
language  they  do  not  understand  ;  yet  they  shout  —  or 
yell  —  in  their  way.  Many  are  for  running  off  to  the 
woods,  but  are  pressed  by  others  to  stay  in  order  not 
to  give  offence  to  their  visitors,  who  could  find  them 
out,  and  might  destroy  them.  The  house  —  or  large 
canoe,  as  some  will  have  it  —  stops,  and  a  smaller  canoe 
comes  ashore  with  the  red  man  and  some  others  in  it : 


INDIAN    TRADITIONS    OF    HUDSON'S    ARRIVAL.       293 

some  stay  by  this  canoe  to  guard  it.  The  chiefs  and 
wise  men  (or  councillors)  have  composed  a  large  cir 
cle,  unto  which  the  red-clothed  man  with  two  others 
approach.  He  salutes  them  with  friendly  countenance ; 
and  they  return  the  salute,  after  their  manner.  They 
are  lost  in  admiration,  both  as  to  the  color  of  the  skin 
of  these  whites,  as  also  to  their  manner  of  dress,  yet 
most  as  to  the  habit  of  him  who  wore  the  red  clothes, 
which  shone  with  something  they  could  not  account 
for.  He  must  be  the  great  Mannitto  (supreme  Being), 
they  think  ;  but  why  should  he  have  a  white  skin  ? 

A  large  hockhack  1  is  brought  forward  by  one  of  the 
(supposed)  Mannitto'' s  servants,  and  from  this  a  sub 
stance  is  poured  out  into  a  small  cup  (or  glass),  and 
handed  to  the  Mannitto.  The  (expected)  Mannitto 
drinks,  has  the  glass  filled  again,  and  hands  it  to  the 
chief  next  to  him  to  drink.  The  chief  receives  the  glass, 
but  only  smelleth  at  it,  and  passes  it  on  to  the  next 
chief,  who  does  the  same.  The  glass  thus  passes 
through  the  circle  without  its  contents  being  tasted  by 
any  one,  and  is  on  the  point  of  being  returned  again 
to  the  red-clothed  man,  when  one  of  their  number,  a 
spirited  man  and  great  warrior,  jumps  up,. harangues 
the  assembly  on  the  impropriety  of  returning  the  glass 
with  the  contents  in  it ;  that  the  same  was  handed  them 
by  the  Mannitto  in  order  that  they  should  drink  it,  as 
he  himself  had  done  before  them ;  that  this  would 
please  him,  but  to  return  what  he  had  given  to  them 
might  provoke  him,  and  be  the  cause  of  their  being 
destroyed  by  him;  and  that  since  he  believed  it  for 
the  good  of  the  nation  that  the  contents  offered  them 
i  Bottle. 


294  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

should  be  drunk,  and  as  no  one  was  willing  to  drink  it, 
he  would,  let  the  consequences  be  what  it  would  ;  and 
that  k  was  better  for  one  man  to  die  than  a  whole 
nation  to  be  destroyed. 

He  then  took  the  glass,  and,  bidding  the  assembly 
farewell,  drank  it  off.  Every  eye  was  fixed  on  their 
resolute  companion,  to  see  what  an  effect  this  would 
have  upon  him ;  and  he  soon  beginning  to  stagger  about, 
and  at  last  dropping  to  the  ground,  they  bemoan  him. 
He  falls  into  a  sleep,  and  they  view  him  as  expiring. 
He  awakes  again,  jumps  up,  and  declares  that  he  never 
felt  himself  before  so  happy  as  after  he  had  drank  the 
cup ;  wishes  for  more.  His  wish  is  granted  ;  and 
the  whole  assembly  soon  join  him,  and  become  intoxi 
cated. 

After  this  general  intoxication  had  ceased,  —  during 
which  time  the  whites  had  confined  themselves  to  their 
vessel,  —  the  man  with  the  red  clothes  returned  again 
to  them,  and  distributed  presents  among  them  ;  to  wit, 
beads,  axes,  hoes,  stockings,  &c.  They  say  that  they 
had  become  familiar  to  each  other,  and  were  made  to 
understand  by  signs  that  they  now  would  return  home, 
but  would  visit  them  next  year  again,  when  they  would 
bring  them  more  presents,  and  stay  with  them  a  while ; 
but  that,  as  they  could  not  live  without  eating,  they 
should  then  want  a  little  land  of  them  to  sow  seeds,  in 
order  to  raise  herbs  to  put  in  their  broth.  That  the 
vessel  arrived  the  season  following,  and  they  were 
much  rejoiced  at  seeing  each  other  ;  but  that  the  whites 
laughed  at  them,  [the  Indians,]  seeing  they  knew  not 
the  use  of  the  axes,  hoes,  &c.,  they  had  given  them  ; 
they  having  had  these  hanging  to  their  breasts  as  orna- 


INDIAN    TRADITIONS    OF    HUDSON  S    ARRIVAL.       295 

ments  ;  and  the  stockings  they  had  made  use  of  as 
tobacco-pouches.  The  whites  now  put  handles  (or 
helves)  in  the  former,  and  cut  trees  down  before  their 
eyes,  and  dug  the  ground,  and  showed  them  the  use  of 
their  stockings.  Here — say  they — a  general  laugh 
ensued  among  them  [the  Indians]  that  they  had 
remained  for  so  long  a  time  ignorapt  of  the  use  of  so 
valuable  implements  ;  and  had  borne  with  the  weight 
of  such  heavy  metal  hanging  to  their  necks  for  such  a 
length  of  time. 

They  took  every  white  man  they  saw  for  a  Mannitto, 
yet  inferior  and  attendant  to  the  supreme  Mannitto  ;  to 
wit,  to  the  one  which  wore  the  red  and  laced  clothes. 
Familiarity  daily  increasing  between  them  and  the 
whites,  the  latter  now  proposed  to  stay  with  them, 
asking  them  only  for  so  much  land  as  the  hide  of  a 
bullock  would  cover  (or  encompass),  which  hide  was 
brought  forward,  and  spread  on  the  ground  before  them. 
That  they  readily  granted  this  request ;  whereupon  the 
whites  took  a  knife,  and,  beginning  at  one  place  on  this 
hide,  cut  it  into  a  rope  not  thicker  than  the  finger  of  a 
little  child,  so  that,  by  the  time  this  hide  was  cut  up, 
there  was  a  great  heap.  That  this  rope  was  drawn  out 
to  a  great  distance,  and  then  brought  around  again,  so 
that  both  ends  might  meet.  That  they  carefully 
avoided  its  breaking,  and  that  upon  the  whole  it  en 
compassed  a  large  piece  of  ground.  That  they  [the 
Indians]  were  surprised  at  the  superior  wit  of  the 
whites,  but  did  not  wish  to  contend  with  them  about  a 
little  land,  as  they  had  enough. 

That  they  and  the  whites  lived  for  a  long  time  con 
tentedly  together,  although  these  asked  from  time  to 


296  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

time  more  land  of  them  ;  and,  proceeding  higher  up  the 
Mahicanittuk  (Hudson  River),  they  believed  they  would 
soon  want  all  their  country,  and  which  at  this  time  was 
already  the  case. 


III. — THE    LAST  VOYAGE  OF    HENRY  HUDSON,  AND 

HOW   HE   WAS   SET  ADRIFT   IN   THE  ICE  BY  HIS  MEN. 

[Hudson  had  discovered  the  bay  which  bears  his  name,  and  spent  all 
winter  amid  the  ice,  remaining  into  the  spring,  until  his  provisions  were 
about  out,  and  his  crew  grew  mutinous.  One  of  the  crew,  Abacuk  or  Ha- 
baccuk  Prickett,  thus  describes  what  followed!] 

BEING  thus  in  the  ice,  on  Saturday,  the  one  and 
twentieth  of  June,1  at  night,  Wilson  the  boatswain, 
and  Henry  Greene,  came  to  me,  lying  in  my  cabin, 
lame,  and  told  me  that  they  and  the  rest  of  their 
associates  would  shift2  the  company,  and  turn  the 
master  and  all  the  sick  men  into  the  shallop,  and  let 
them  shift  for  themselves  ;  for  there  was  not  fourteen 
days'  victuals  left  for  all  the  company.  At  that  poor 
allowance  they  were  at,  and  that  there  they  lay,  the  mas 
ter  not  caring  to  go  one  way  or  other ;  and  that  they 
had  not  eaten  any  thing  these  three  days,  and  there 
fore  were  resolute,  either  to  mend  or  end  ;  and  what 
they  had  begun  they  would  go  through  with  it,  or  die. 
When  I  heard  this,  I  told  them  I  marvelled  to  hear  so 
much  from  them,  considering  that  they  were  married 
men,  and  had  wives  and  children  ;  and  that,  for  their 
sakes,  they  should  not  commit  so  foul  a  thing  in  the 
sight  of  God  and  man  as  that  would  be  :  for  why 
i  1611.  2  i.e.,  take  out  part  of  them. 


HUDSON    SET    ADRIFT    IN    THE    ICE.  297 

should  they  banish  themselves  from  their  native  coun 
try?  Henry  Greene  bade  me  hold  my  peace,  for  he 
knew  the  worst,  which  was,  to  be  hanged  when  he 
came  home  ;  and  therefore,  of  the  two,  he  would  rather 
be  hanged  at  home  than  starved  abroad  ;  and,  for  the 
good-will  they  bare  me,  they  would  have  me  stay  in 
the  ship.  I  gave  them  thanks,  and  told  them  I  came 
into  her,  not  to  forsake  her,  yet  not  to  hurt  myself 
and  others  by  any  such  deed.  Henry  Greene  told  me 
then  that  I  must  take  my  fortune  in  the  shallop.  "If 
there  be  no  remedy,"  said  I,  "the  will  of  God  be 
done." 

Away  went  Henry  Greene  in  a  rage,  swearing  to  cut 
his  throat  that  went  about  to  disturb  them,  and.  left 
Wilson  by  me,  with  whom  I  had  some  talk,  but  to  no 
good ;  for  he  was  so  persuaded  that  there  was  no 
remedy  now  but  to  go  on  while  it  was  hot,1  lest  their 
party  should  fail  them,  and  the  mischief  they  intended 
to  others  should  light  on  themselves.  Henry  Greene 
came  again,  and  demanded  of  him  what  I  said.  Wil 
son  answered,  "  He  is  in  his  old  song,  still  patient" 
Then  I  spake  to  Henry  Greene  to  stay  three  days,  in 
which  time  I  would  so  deal  with  the  master  that  all 
should  be  well.  So  I  dealt  with  him  to  forbear  but 
two  days,  nay,  twelve  hours.  "  There  is  no  way,  then," 
say  they,  "but  out  of  hand."2  Then  I  told  them,  that, 
if  they  would  stay  till  Monday,  I  would  join  with  them 
to  share  all  the  victuals  in  the  ship,  and  would  justify 
it  when  I  came  home ;  but  this  would  not  serve  their 
terms.  Wherefore  I  told  them  it  was  some  worse 
matter  they  had  in  hand  than  they  made  show  of,  and 

1  i.e.,  while  heated  with  excitement.  -  At  once. 


298  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

that  it  was  blood  and  revenge  he l  sought,  or  else  he 
would  not  at  such  a  time  of  night  undertake  such  a 
deed.  Henry  Greene,  with  that,  taketh  my  Bible,  which 
lay  before  me,  and  sware  that  he  would  clo  no  man 
harm,  and  what  he  did  was  for  the  good  of  the  voyage, 
and  for  nothing  else  ;  and  that  all  the  rest  should  do 
the  like.  The  like  did  Wilson  swear. 

Henry  Greene  went  his  way ;  and  presently  came 
Juet,2  who,  because  he  was  an  ancient  man,  I  hoped 
to  have  found  some  reason  in  him.  But  he  was  worse 
than  Henry  Greene  ;  for  he  sware  plainly  that  he  would 
justify  this  deed  when  he  came  home.  After  him  came 
John  Thomas  and  Michael  Perce,  as  birds  of  one 
feather ;  but,  because  they  are  not  living,  I  will  let 
them  go,  as  then  I  did.  Then  came  Moter  and  Bennet, 
of  whom  I  demanded  if  they  were  well  advised  what 
they  had  taken  in  hand.  They  answered  they  were, 
and  therefore  came  to  take  their  oath. 

Now,  because  I  am  much  condemned  for  this  oath, 
as  one  of  them  that  plotted  with  them,  and  that  by 
an  oath  I  should  bind  them  together  to  perform  what 
they  had  begun,  I  thought  good  here  to  set  down  to 
the  view  of  all,  how  well  their  oath  and  deeds  agreed. 
And  thus  it  was :  "  You  shall  swear  truth  to  God,  your 
prince,  and  country :  you  shall  do  nothing  but  to  the 
glory  of  God,  and  the  good  of  the  action  in  hand,  and 
harm  to  no  man."  This  was  the  oath  without  adding 
or  diminishing.  I  looked  for  more  of  these  compan 
ions,  although  these  were  too  many ;  but  there  came 
no  more.  It  was  dark,  and  they  in  a  readiness  to  put 

1  Henry  Greene. 

2  Robert  Juet,  author  of  the  Diary  previously  given. 


HUDSON    SET   ADRIFT    IN    THE    ICE  299 

this  deed  of  darkness  in  execution.  I  called  to  Henry 
Greene  and  Wilson,  and  prayed  them  not  to  go  in  hand 
with  it  in  the  dark,  but  to  stay  till  the  morning.  Now 
every  man,  I  hope,  would  go  to  his  rest ;  but  wickedness 
sleepeth  not.  For  Henry  Greene  keepeth  the  master 
company  all  night,  and  gave  me  bread  which  his  cabin- 
mate  gave  him ;  and  others  [were]  as  watchful  as  he. 

Then  I  asked  Henry  Greene  whom  he  would  put 
out  with  the  master.  He  said,  the  carpenter,  John 
King,  and  the  sick  men.  I  said  they  should  not  do 
well  to  part  with  the  carpenter,  what  need  soever  they 
should  have.  Why  the  carpenter  was  in  no  more 
regard  amongst  them  was,  first,  for  that  he  and  John 
King  were  condemned  for  wrong  done  in  the  victual.1 
But  the  chiefest  cause  was  for  that  the  master  loved 
him,  and  made  him  his  mate,  upon  his  return  out  of 
our  wintering  place,  thereby  displacing  Robert  Billet ; 
whereat  they  did  grudge,  because  he  could  neither  write 
nor  read.  "  And  therefore,"  said  they,  "  the  master  and 
his  ignorant  mate  would  carry  the  ship  whither  the 
master  pleased  ; "  the  master  forbidding  any  man  to 
keep  account  or  reckoning,  having  taken  from  all  men 
whatsoever  served  for  that  purpose.  Well,  I  obtained 
of  Henry  Greene  and  Wilson  that  the  carpenter  should 
stay,  by  whose  means  I  hoped,  after  they  had  satisfied 
themselves,  that  the  master  and  the  poor  man  might  be 
taken  into  the  ship  again.  Or  I  hoped  that  some  one 
or  other  would  give  some  notice,  either  to  the  carpen 
ter,  John  King,  or  the  master ;  for  so  it  might  have 
come  to  pass  by  some  of  them  that  were  the  most 
forward.  .  .  . 

1  i.e.,  in  distributing  the  food. 


300     HUDSON  AND  THE  NEW  NETHERLANDS. 

In  the  mean  time,  Henry  Greene  and  another  went  to 
the  carpenter,  and  held  him  with  a  talk  till  the  master1 
came-eut  of  his  cabin,  which  he  soon  did ;  then  came 
John  Thomas  and  Bennet  before  him,  while  Wilson 
bound  his  arms  behind  him.  He  asked  them  what  they 
meant.  They  told  him  he  should  know  when  he  was  in 
the  shallop.  Now  Juet,  while  this  was  a-doing,  came 
to  John  King  into  the  hold,  who  was  provided  for  him; 
for  he  had  got  a  sword  of  his  own,  and  kept  him  at  a 
bay,  and  might  have  killed  him ;  but  others  came  to 
help  him  :  and  so  he  came  up  to  the  master.  The 
master  called  to  the  carpenter,  and  told  him  that  he 
was  bound  ;  but  I  heard  no  answer  he  made.  Now 
Arnold  Lodlo  and  Michael  Bute  railed  at  them,  and 
told  them  their  knavery  would  show  itself.  Then  was 
the  shallop  hauled  up  to  the  ship-side ;  and  the  poor, 
sick,  and  lame  men  were  called  upon  to  get  them  out 
of  their  cabins  into  the  shallop.  The  master  called  to 
me,  who  came  out  of  my  cabin  as  well  as  I  could,  to 
the  hatchway,  to  speak  with  him,  where,  on  my  knees, 
I  besought  them,  for  the  love  of  God,  to  remember 
themselves,  and  to  do  as  they  would  be  clone  unto. 
They  bade  me  keep  myself  well,  and  get  me  into  my 
cabin,  not  suffering  the  master  to  speak  with  me.  But 
when  I  came  into  my  cabin  again,  he  called  to  me  at 
the  horn 2  which  gave  light  into  my  cabin,  and  told  me 
that  Juet  would  overthrow  us  all.  "Nay,"  said  I,  "it  is 
that  villain  Henry  Greene  ;  "  and  I  spake  it  not  softly. 

Now  was  the  carpenter  at  liberty,  who  asked  them  if 
they  would  be  hanged  when  they  came  home.  And  as 

1  Henry  Hudson. 

'2  Thin  pieces,  cut  from  horn,  were  used  instead  of  glass. 


HUDSON    SET   ADRIFT    IN    THE    ICE.  301 

for  himself,  he  said  he  would  not  stay  in  the  ship, 
unless  they  would  force  him.  They  bade  him  go  then  ; 
for  they  would  not  stay  him.  "  I  will,"  said  he,  "  so  I 
may  have  my  chest  with  me,  and  all  that  is  in  it." 
They  said  he  should  ;  and  presently  they  put  it  into  the 
shallop.  Then  he  came  down  to  me  to  take  his  leave 
of  me,  who  persuaded  him  to  stay,  which  if  he  did,  he 
might  so  work  that  all  should  be  well.  He  said  he 
did  not  think  but  they  would  be  glad  to  take  them  in 
again  ;  for  he  was  so  persuaded  by  the  master,  that 
there  was  not  one  in  all  the  ship  could  tell  how  to 
carry  her  home.  "  But,"  saith  he,  "  if  we  must  part,"  — 
which  we  will  not  willingly  do,  for  they  would  follow 
the  ship,  — he  prayed  me,  if  we  came  to  the  capes  before 
them,1  that  I  would  leave  some  token  that  we  had  been 
there,  near  to  the  place  where  the  fowls  bred,  and  he 
would  do  the  like  for  us ;  and  so,  with  tears,  we 
parted.  Now  were  the  sick  men  driven  out  of  their 
cabins  into  the  shallop.  But  John  Thomas  was  Francis 
Clement's  friend,  and  Bennet  was  the  cooper's :  so 
there  were  words  between  them  and  Henry  Greene,  — 
one  saying  that  they  should  go,  and  the  other  swearing 
that  they  should  not  go,  but  such  as  were  in  the  shallop 
should  return.  When  Henry  Greene  heard  that,  he 
was  compelled  to  give  place,  and  to  put  out  Arnold 
Lodlo  and  Michael  Bute,  which  with  much  ado  they 
did. 

In  the  mean  time,  there  were  some  of  them  that  plied 
their  work  as  if  the  ship  had  been  entered  by  force, 
and  they  had  free  leave  to  pillage,  breaking  up  chests, 
and  rifling  all  places.  One  of  them  came  by  me,  who 

1  At  the  mouth  of  Hudson's  Bay. 


302  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

asked  me  what  they  should  do.  I  answered,  he  should 
make  an  end  of  what  he  had  begun  ;  for  I  saw  him  do 
nothing  but  shark l  up  and  down.  Now  were  all  the 
poor  men  in  the  shallop,  whose  names  are  as  follow- 
eth :  Henry  Hudson,  John  Hudson,  Arnold  Lodlo, 
Sidrack  Faner,  Philip  Staffe,  Thomas  Woodhouse  or 
Wydhouse,  Adam  Moore,  Henry  King,  Michael  Bute. 
The  carpenter  got  of  them  a  piece,2  and  powder  and 
shot,  and  some  pikes,  an  iron  pot,  with  some  meal,  and 
other  things.  They  stood  out  of  the  ice,  the  shallop 
being  fast  to  the  stern  of  the  ship  ;  and  so,  when  they 
were  nigh  out,  for  I  cannot  say  they  were  clean  out, 
they8  cut  her  head  fast  from  the  stern  of  our  ship,  then 
out  with  their  topsails,  and  towards  the  east  they  stood 
in  a  clear  sea.  In  the  end,  they  took  in  their  topsails, 
righted  their  helm,  and  lay  under  their  foresail  till  they 
had  ransacked  and  searched  all  places  in  the  ship.  In 
the  hold,  they  found  one  of  the  vessels  of  meal  whole, 
and  the  other  half  spent;  for  we  had  but  two.  We 
found  also  two  firkins  of  butter,  some  twenty-seven 
pieces  of  pork,  half  a  bushel  of  peas  ;  but  in  the  mas 
ter's  cabin  we  found  two  hundred  of  biscuit  cakes,  a 
peck  of  meal,  of  beer  to  the  quantity  of  a  butt,  one 
with  another.  Now  it  was  said  that  the  shallop  was 
come  within  sight,  they  let  fall  the  mainsail,  and  out 
with  their  topsails,  and  fly  as  from  an  enemy. 

Then  I  prayed  them  yet  to  remember  themselves  ; 
but  William  Wilson  —  more  than  the  rest  —  would  hear 
of  no  such  matter. 

1  Plunder.  2  A  gun. 

3  The  mutinous  crew,  on  the  ship. 


SETTLEMENT    OF    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS.         303 

[This  is  all  that  is  known  of  the  fate  of  Henry  Hudson.  These  events 
are  supposed  to  have  occurred  near  the  south-east  corner  of  James  Bay. 
The  narrative  goes  on  to  describe  the  terrible  hardships  endured  by  the 
mutinous  crew,  during  which,  Robert  Juet  and  others  died  of  starvation. 
The  survivors  reached  Plymouth,  England,  in  September,  1611.] 


IV.  —  THE  DUTCH  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  NEW 
NETHERLANDS. 

[From  early  Dutch  Chronicles.] 

[1624.]  NUMEROUS  voyages  realize  so  much  profit  for 
adventurers,  that  they  discover  other  countries,  which 
they  afterwards  settle  and  plant.  Virginia,  a  country 
lying  in  42^° l  is  one  of  these.  It  was  first  peopled 
by  the  French,  afterwards  by  the  English,  and  is  to 
day  a  flourishing  cqlony.  The  Lords  States  General2 
observing  the  great  abundance  of  their  people,  as  well 
as  their  desire  to  plant  other  lands,  allowed  the  West 
India  Company  to  settle  that  same  country.  Many 
from  the  United  Colonies  did  formerly,  and  do  still, 
trade  there.  Yea,  for  the  greater  security  of  "  the 
traders,  a  castle  —  Fort  Nassau — had  been  built  on 
an  island  in  42°  on  the  north  side  of  the  River  Mon- 
tagne,  now  called  Mauritius.3  But  as  the  natives  there 
were  somewhat  discontented,  and  not  easily  managed, 
the  projectors  abandoned  it,  intending  now  to  plant  a 
colony  among  the  Maikans,  a  nation  lying  twenty  five 
miles 4  on  both  sides  of  the  river  upwards. 

This  river,  or  the  bay,  lies  in  40°,  running  well,  in  ; 
being  as  broad  or  wide  as  the  Thames,  and  navigable 

i  North  latitude.  2  Of  Holland.  3  NOW  Hudson  River. 

4  These  miles  are  Dutch,  one  being  equal  to  three  English. 


304  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

full  fifty  miles  up,  through  divers  nations,  who  some 
times  manifest  themselves  with  arrows,  like  enemies, 
sometimes  like  friends ;  but  when  they  had  seen  the 
ships  once  or  twice,  or  traded  with  our  people,  they 
became  altogether  friendly.  .  .  . 

This  country,  now  called' New  Netherland,  is  usually 
reached  in  seven  or  eight  weeks  from  here.  The 
course  lies  towards  the  Canary  Islands,  thence  to  the 
Indian  Islands,  then  towards  the  mainland  of  Virginia, 
steering  right  across,  leaving  in  fourteen  days  the 
Bahamas  on  the  left,  and  the  Bermudas  on  the  right 
hand,  where  the  winds  are  variable  with  which  the  land 
is  made*.  .  .  . 

[1626.]  In  our  preceding  treatise,  we  made  mention 
of  New  Netherland  and  its  colony,  planted  by  the 
West  India  Company,  situate  in  Virginia  on  the  river, 
called  by  the  French  Montagne,  and  by  us  Mauritius, 
and  that  some  families  were  sent  thither,  which  now 
increased  to  two  hundred  souls  ;  and  afterwards  some 
ships,  —  one  with  horses,  the  other  with  cows,  and 
the  third  hay.  Two  months  afterwards,  a  fleet  was 
equipped  carrying  sheep,  hogs,  wagons,  ploughs,  and 
all  other  implements  of  husbandry. 

These  cattle  were,  on  their  arrival,  first  landed  on 
Nut  Island,  three  miles  up  the  river,  where  they  re 
mained  a  day  or  two.  There  being  no  means  of 
pasturing  them  there,  they  were  shipped  in  sloops  and 
boats  to  the  Manhates,1  right  opposite  said  island. 
Being  put  out  to  pasture  here,  t'hey  throve  well  ;  but 
afterwards  full  twenty  in  all  died.  The  cause  of  this 
was  that  they  had  eaten  something  bad  from  an  unculti- 
1  Manhattan  Island. 


SETTLEMENT    OF    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS.          305 

% 

vated  soil.  But  they  went  in  the  middle  of  September 
on  new  grass,  as  good  and  as  long  as  could  be  desired. 

The  colony  was  planted  at  this  time  on  the  Man- 
hates,  where  a  fort  was  staked  out  by  Master  Kryn 
Frederycke,  an  engineer.  It  will  be  of  large  dimen 
sions.  The  ship  which  has  returned  home  this  month 
[November]  brings  samples  of  all  the  different  sorts  of 
produce  there.  The  cargo  consists  of  7,246  beavers, 
675  otter-skins,  48  minx,  36  wildcat,  and  various  other 
sorts ;  several  pieces  of  oak  timber  and  hickory. 

The  counting-house  there  is  kept  in  a  stone  building, 
thatched  with  reed  :  the  other  houses  are  of  the  bark 
of  trees.  Each  has  his  own  house.  The  director  and 
koopman1  live  together.  There  are  thirty  ordinary 
houses  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  which  runs  nearly 
north  and  south.  The  Honorable  Pieter  Minuit  is 
director  there  at  present ;  Jan  Lempo,  sheriff ;  Sebas- 
tiaen  Jansz  Crol  and  Jan  Huyck,  comforters  of  the 
sick,  who,  whilst  awaiting  a  clergyman,  read  to  the 
commonalty  there  on  Sundays,  from  texts  of  Scripture 
with  the  comment.  Fra^ois  Molemaecker  is  busy 
building  a  horse-mill,  over  which  shall  be  constructed 
a  spacious  room,  sufficient  to  accommodate  a  large  con 
gregation  ;  and  then  a  tower  is  to  be  erected,  where  the 
bells  brought  from  Porto  Rico  will  be  hung. 

The  Council  there  administered  justice  in  criminal 
matters  as  far  as  imposing  fines,  but  not  as  far  as 
capital  punishment.  Should  it  happen  that  any  one 
deserves  that,  he  must  be  sent  to  Holland  with  his 
sentence.  .  .  .  There  is  another  there  who  fills  no 
public  office  :  he  is  busy  about  his  own  affairs.  Men 
1  Trader,  or  shop-keeper.  In  German,  kauf matin. 


306  HUDSON    AND    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS. 

« 

work  there  as  in  Holland  :  one  trades  upwards,  south 
wards,  and  northwards ;  another  builds  houses ;  the 
third  farms.  Each  farmer  has  .his  farm  and  the  cows 
on  the  land  purchased  by  the  Company ;  but  the  milk 
remains  to  the  profit  of  the  boor  : l  he  sells  to  those  of 
the  people  who  receive  their  wages  for  work  every 


SETTLEMENT    ON    THE    HUDSON   RIVER. 

week.  The  houses  of  the  Hollanders  now  stand  with 
out  the  fort ;  but,  when  that  is  completed,  they  will  all 
repair  within,  so  as  to  garrison  it,  and  be  secure  from 
sudden  attack. 

Those  of  the  South  River  will  abandon  their  fort, 
and  come  hither:  no  more  than  fifteen  or  sixteen  men 
will  remain  at  Fort  Orange,  the  most  distant  point  at 

1  Farmer. 


SETTLEMENT   OF    THE    NEW    NETHERLANDS.         307 

which  the  Hollanders  traded  :  the  remainder  will  come 
down  to  the  Manhates.  Right  opposite  is  the  fort  of 
the  Maykans,  which  they  built  against  their  enemies, 
the  Maquaes,1  a  powerful  people. 

It  happened  this  year  that  the  Maykans,  being  at 
war  with  the  Maquaes,  requested  to  be  assisted  by  the 
commander  of  Fort  Orange  and  six  others.  Com 
mander  Krieckebeck  went  up  with  them  a  mile  from 
the  fort,  and  met  the  Maquaes,  who  peppered  them  so 
bravely  with  a  discharge  of  arrows,  that  they  were 
forced  to  fly,  leaving  many  slain,  among  whom  were  the 
commander  and  three  of  his  men.  Among  the  latter 
was  Tymen  Bouwensz,  whom  they  devoured,  after  hav 
ing  well  cooked  him.2  The  rest  they  burnt.  The  com 
mander  was  buried  with  the  other  two  by  his  side. 
Three  escaped,  —  two  Portuguese,  and  a  Hollander 
from  Hoorn.  One  of  the  Portuguese  was  wounded  by 
an  arrow  in  the  back  whilst  swimming.  The  Indians 
carried  a  leg  and  an  arm  home  to  be  divided  amongst 
their  families,  as  a  proof  that  they  had  conquered  their 
enemies. 

Some  days  after,  the  worthy  Pieter  Barentsen,  who 
usually  was  sent  upwards  and  along  the  coast  with  the 
sloop,  visited  them.  They  wished  to  excuse  their  act, 
on  the  plea  that  they  had  never  injured  the  whites,  and 
asked  the  reason  why  the  latter  had  meddled  with 
them.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  they  would  not  have 
acted  as  they  had. 

1  Mohawks.  2  This  is  probably  a  romance. 


BOOK   XIV. 

THE  PILGRIMS  AT  PLYMOUTH. 

(A.D.  1620-1621.) 


Thess  extracts  are  taken  from  that  valuable  collection,  "  Chronicles  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  th2  Colony  of  Plymouth,  from  1602  to  1625  ;  now 
first  collected  from  original  records  and  contemporaneous  printed  docu 
ments,"  by  Alexander  Young,  Boston,  1841. 

The  first  extract  is  from  Edward  Winslow's  "Brief  Narration,"  Lon 
don,  1646  (Young,  p.  384).  The  rest  are  from  the  journal  of  Bradford 
and  Winslow,  commonly  called  "  Mourt's  Relation,"  London,  1622. 
(Young,  pp.  125-136,  150-162,  167-174,  182-189.) 


THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 


I.  —  THE  SAILING  OF  THE  PILGRIMS. 

[The  Pilgrims  sailed  from  Delft  Haven,  —  often  called  by  them  Delph's 
Haven, — in  Holland,  July  22,  1620.] 

AND  when  the  ship  was  ready  to  carry  us  away, 
the  brethren  that  staid,  having  again  solemnly 
sought  the  Lord  with  us  and  for  us,  and  we  further  en 
gaging  ourselves  mutually  as  before,  —  they,  I  say,  that 
staid  at  Leyden,  feasted  us  that  were  to  go,  at  our 
pastor's  house,  being  large,  where  we  refreshed  our 
selves,  after  tears,  with  singing  of  psalms,  making  joy 
ful  melody  in  our  hearts,  as  well  as  with  the  voice,  there 
being  many  of  the  congregation  very  expert  in  music ; 
and  indeed  it  was  the  sweetest  melody  that  ever  mine 
ears  heard.  After  this,  they  accompanied  us  to  Delph's 
Haven,  where  we  were  to  embark,  and  there  feasted  us 
again.  And  after  prayer  performed  by  our  pastor, 
where  a  flood  of  tears  was  poured  out,  they  accompa 
nied  us  to  the  ship,  but  were  not  able  to  speak  one  to 
another  for  the  abundance  of  sorrow  to  part.  But  we 
only  going  aboard,  —  the  ship  lying  to  the  quay,  and 

311 


3I2 


THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 


ready  to  set  sail,  the  wind  being  fair,  — we  gave  them 
a  volley  of  small  shot,  and  three  pieces  of  ordnance ; 
and  so,  lifting  up  our  hands  to  each  other,  and  our 
hearts  for  each  other  to  the  Lord  our  God,  we  departed, 
and  found  his  presence  with  us  in  the  midst  of  our 
manifold  straits  he  carried  us  through.  And,  if  any 


DELPH'S  HAVEN. 


doubt  this  relation,  the  Dutch,  as  I  hear,  at  Delph's 
Haven  preserve  the  memory  of  it  to  this  day,  and  will 
inform  them. 


II.  —  MILES  STANDISH  AT  CAPE  COD. 

SOME  of  our  people,  impatient  of  delay,  desired  for 
our  better  furtherance  to  travel  by  land  into  the  coun 
try, —  which  was  not  without  appearance  of  danger,  not 
having  the  shallop  with  them,  nor  means  to  carry  pro 
vision  but  on  their  backs,  —  to  see  whether  it  might  be 


MILES    STANDISH    AT    CAPE    COD. 


313 


fit  for  us  to  seat l  in  or  no ;  and  the  rather,  because,  as 
we  sailed  into  the  harbor,  there  seemed  to  be  a  river2 
opening  itself  into  the  mainland.  The  willingness  of 
the  persons  was  liked ;  but  the  thing  itself,  in  regard 
to  the  danger,  was  rather  permitted  than  approved  ; 
and  so  with  cautions,  directions,  and  instructions,  six- 


MAYFLOWER   OFF   PKOVINCETOWN. 

teen  men  were  set 3  out,  with  every  man  his  musket,4 
sword,  and  corselet,  under  the  conduct  of  Captain  Miles 
Standish,  unto  whom  was  adjoined  for  counsel  and 

1  Establish  themselves,  as  we  say  "country-seat." 

2  Pamet  River,  Cape  Cod. 

3  Sent. 

4  These  guns  were  chiefly  matchlocks,  as  afterwards  appears. 


314  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

advice  William  Bradford,  Stephen  Hopkins,  and  Ed 
ward  Tilley. 

Wednesday,  the  i5th  of  November,  they  were  set 
ashore.1  And  when  they  had  ordered  themselves  in 
the  order  of  a  single  file,  and  marched  about  the  space 
of  a  mile  by  the  sea,  they  espied  five  or  six  people, 
with  a  dog,  coming  towards  them,  who  were  savages  ; 
who,  when  they  saw  them,  ran  into  the  wood,  and 
whistled  the  dog  after  them,  &c.  First  they  supposed 
them  to  be  Master  Jones,  the  master,  and  some  of  his 
men ;  for  they  were  ashore,  and  knew  of  their  coming. 
But,  after  they  knew  them  to  be  Indians,  they  marched 
after  them  into  the  woods,  lest  other  of  the  Indians 
should  lie  in  ambush.  But,  when  the  Indians  saw  our 
men  following  them,  they  ran  away  with  might  and 
main,  and  our  men  turned  out  of  the  wood  after  them, 
for  it  was  the  way  they  intended  to  go  ;  but  they  could 
not  come  near  them.  They  followed  them  that  night 
about  ten  miles,  by  the  trace  of  their  footings,2  and  saw 
how  they  had  come  the  same  way  they  went,  and  at  a 
turning  perceived  how  they  ran  up  a  hill,  to  see  whether 
they  followed  them.  At  length  night  came  upon  them, 
and  they  were  constrained  to  take  up  their  lodging.3 
So  they  set  forth  three  sentinels  ;  and  the  rest,  some 
kindled  a  fire,  and  others  fetched  wood,  and  there  held 
our  rendezvous  that  night. 

In  the  morning,  as  soon  as  we  could  see  the  trace, 
we  proceeded  on  our  journey,  and  had 4  the  track  until 

1  Probably  at  Stevens's  Point,  at  the  western  end  of  Cape  Cod  harbor. 

2  Footprints. 

3  Probably  near  Stout's  Creek,  opposite  Beach  Point. 

4  Followed. 


MILES    STANDISH    AT    CAPE    COD.  315 

we  had  compassed  the  head  of  a  long  creek ; l  and 
there  they  took  into  another  wood,  and  we  after  them, 
supposing  to  find  some  of  their  dwellings.  But  we 
marched  through  boughs  and  bushes,  and  under  hills 
and  valleys,  which  tore  our  very  armor  in  pieces,  and 
yet  could  meet  with  none  of  them,  nor  their  houses, 
nor  find  any  fresh  water,  which  we  greatly  desired  and 
stood  in  need  of ;  for  we  brought  neither  beer  nor 
water  with  us,  and  our  victuals  was  only  biscuit  and 
Holland  cheese,  and  a  little  bottle  of  aqua  vitae,  so  as 
we  were  sore  athirst.  About  ten  o'clock,  we  came  into 
a  deep  valley,  full  of  brush,  wood-gaile,2  and  long  grass, 
through  which  we  found  little  paths,  or  tracks  ;  and 
there  we  saw  a  deer,  and  found  springs  of  fresh  water, 
of  which  we  were  heartily  glad,  and  sat  us  down  and 
drunk  our  first  New  England  water  with  as  much 
delight  as  ever  we  drunk  drink  in  all  our  lives. 

When  we  had  refreshed  ourselves,  we  directed  our 
course  full  south,  that  we  might  come  to  the  shore, 
which  within  a  short  while  after  we  did,  and  there 
made  a  fire,  that  they  in  the  ship  might  see  where  we 
were,  as  we  had  direction ;  and  so  marched  on  towards 
this  supposed  river.  And,  as  we  went  in  another  val 
ley,  we  found  a  fine  clear  pond  3  of  fresh  water,  being 
about  a  musket-shot  broad,  and  twice  as  long.  There 
grew  also  many  small  vines,  and  fowl  and  deer  haunted 
there.  There  grew  much  sassafras.  From  thence  we 
went  on,  and  found  much  plain  ground,  about  fifty 
acres,  fit  for  the  plough,  and  some  signs  .where  the  In- 

1  East  Harbor  Creek,  Truro. 

2  Probably  sweet-gale,  or  wax -myrtle  (Myrica  gale). 

3  The  pond  near  Highland  Light. 


316  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

dians  had  formerly  planted  their  corn.  After  this, 
some  thought  it  best,  for  nearness  of  the  river,  to  go 
down  and  travel  on  the  sea-sands,  by  which  means 
some  of  our  men  were  tired,  and  lagged  behind.  So 
we  staid  and  gathered  them  up,  and  struck  into  the 
land  again,  where  we  found  a  little  path  to  certain 
heaps  of  sand,  one  whereof  was  covered  with  old  mats, 
and  had  a  wooden  thing  like  a  mortar  whelmed1  on  the 
top  of  it,  and  an  earthen  pot  laid  in  a  little  hole  at  the 
end  thereof.  We,  musing2  what  it  might  be,  digged,  and 
found  a  bow,  and,  as  we  thought,  arrows ;  but  they 
were  rotten.  We  supposed  there  were  many  other 
things ;  but,  because  we  deemed  them  graves,  we  put  in 
the  bow  again,  and  made  it  up  as  it  was,  and  left  the 
rest  untouched,  because  we  thought  it  would  be  odious 
unto  them  to  ransack  their  sepulchres. 

We  went  on  farther,  and  found  new  stubble,  of  which 
they  had  gotten  corn  this  year,  and  many  walnut-tr'ees 
full  of  nuts,  and  great  store  of  strawberries,  and  some 
vines.  Passing  thus  a  field  or  two,  which  were  not  great, 
we  came  to  another,  which  had  also  been  new  gotten ; 
and  there  we  found  where  a  house  had  been,  and  four 
or  five  old  planks  laid  together.  Also  we  found  a 
great  kettle,  which  had  been  some  ship's  kettle,  and 
brought  out  of  Europe.  There  was  also  a  heap  of 
sand,  made  like  the  former,  —  but  it  was  newly  done, 
we  might  see  how  they  had  paddled  it  with  their  hands, 
— which  we  digged  up,  and  in  it  we  found  a  little  old 
basket  full  of  fair  Indian  corn.  We  digged  farther,  and 
found  a  fine  great  new  basket,  full  of  very  fair  corn  of 
this  year,  with  some  six  and  thirty  goodly  ears  of  corn, 
i  Sunk.  2  Wandering. 


MILES    STANDISH    AT    CAPE    COD.  317 

some  yellow,  and  some  red,  and  others  mixed  with 
blue,  which  was  a  very  goodly  sight.1  The  basket  was 
round,  and  narrow  at  the  top.  It  held  about  three  or 
four  bushels,  which  was  as  much  as  two  of  us  could 
lift  up  from  the  ground,  and  was  very  handsomely  and 
cunningly  made.  But,  whilst  we  were  busy  about  all 
these  things,  we  set  our  men  sentinel  in  a  round  ring, 
all  but  two  or  three,  which  digged  up  the  corn.  We 
were  in  suspense  what  to  do  with  it  and  the  kettle  ; 
and  at  length,  after  much  consultation,  we  concluded 
to  take  the  kettle,  and  as  much  of  the  corn  as  we  could 
carry  away  with  us  ;  and  when  our  shallop  came,  if  we 
could  find  any  of  the  people,  and  come  to  parley  with 
them,  we  would  give  them  the  kettle  again,  and  satisfy 
them  for  their  corn.2  So  we  took  all  the  ears,  and  put 
a  good  deal  of  the  loose  corn  in  the  kettle,  for  two  men 
to  bring  away  on  a  staff.  Besides,  they  that  could  put 
any  into  their  pockets  filled  the  same.  The  rest  we 
buried  again ;  for  we  were  so  laden  with  armor,  that  we 
could  carry  no  more. 

Not  far  from  this  place  we  found  the  remainder  of 
an  old  fort  or  palisado,  which,  as  we  conceived,  had 
been  made  by  some  Christians.  This  was  also  hard 
by  that  place  which  we  thought  had  been  a  river;3 
unto  which  we  went,  and  found  it  so  to  be,  dividing 
itself  into  two  arms  by  a  high  bank,  standing  right  by 
the  cut  or  mouth,  which  came  from  the  sea.  That 
which  was  next  unto  us  was  the  less.  *The  other 
arm  was  more  than  twice  as  big,  and  not  unlike  to  be  a 
harbor  for  ships  :  but  whether  it  be  a  fresh  river, 

1  This  corn  of  three  colors  is  still  common  at  Truro.  —  YOUNG. 

2  This  they  afterwards  did.  3  pamet  River. 


318  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

or  only  an  indraught  of  the  sea,  we  had  no  time  to 
discover ;  for  we  had  commandment  to  be  out  but 
two  days.  Here,  also,  we  saw  two  canoes,  —  the  one 
on  the  one  side,  the  other  on  the  other  side.  We  could 
not  believe  it  was  a  canoe  till  we  came  near  it.  So 
we  returned,  leaving  the  further  discovery  hereof  to  our 
shallop,  and  came  that  night  back  again  to  the  fresh 
water  pond  ;  and  there  we  made  our  rendezvous  that 
night,  making  a  great  fire,  and  a  barricade  to  windward 
of  us,  and  kept  good  watch  with  three  sentinels  all 
night,  every  one  standing  when  his  turn  came,  while 
five  or  six  inches  of  match  was  burning.  It  proved  a 
very  rainy  night. 

In  the  morning,  we  took  our  kettle,  and  sunk  it  in 
the  pond,  and  trimmed  our  muskets,  for  few  of  them 
would  go  off  because  of  the  wet,  and  so  coasted  the 
wood  again  to  come  home,  in  which  we  were  shrewdly 
puzzled,  and  lost  our  way.  As  we  wandered,  we  came 
to  a  tree,  where  a  young  sprit x  was  bowed  down  over  a 
bow,  and  some  acorns  strewed  underneath.  Stephen 
Hopkins  said  it  had  been  to  catch  some  deer.  So  as 
we  were  looking  at  it,  William  Bradford  being  in  the 
rear,  when  he  came,  looked  also  upon  it ;  and,  as  he 
went  about,  it  gave  a  sudden  jerk  up,  and  he  was 
immediately  caught  by  the  leg.  It  was  a  very  pretty 
device,  made  with "  a  rope  of  their  own  making,  and 
having  a  noose  as  artificially  made  as  any  roper 2  in 
England  can  make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be ;  which 
we  brougk*  away  with  us.  In  the  end,  we  got  out  of 

1  Sapling.     The  word  is  now  used  only  for  the  sprit  of  a  small  sail ; 
that  is,  the  pole  which  holds  it  up  transversely. 

2  Rope-maker. 


THE    FIRST    ENCOUNTER.  319 

the  wood,  and  were  fallen l  about  a  mile  too  high  above 
the  creek,  where  we  saw  three  bucks;  but  we  had 
rather  have  had  one  of  them.  We  also  did  spring 
three  couple  of  partridges  :  and,  as  we  came  along  by 
the  creek,  we  saw  great  flocks  of  wild  geese  and  ducks ; 
but  they  were  very  fearful  of  us.  So  we  marched  some 
while  in  the  woods,  some  while  on  the  sands,  and  other 
while  in  the  water  up  to  the  knees,  till  at  length  we 
came  near  the  ship,  and  then  we  shot  off  our  pieces, 
and  the  long-boat  came  to  fetch  us.  Master  Jones 
and  Master  Carver,  being  on  the  shore  with  many  of 
our  people,  came  to  meet  us.  And  thus  we  came  both 
weary  and  welcome  home,  and  delivered  in  our  corn 
into  the  store  to  be  kept  for  seed  ;  for  we  knew  not  how 
to  come  by  any,  and  therefore  were  very  glad,  purpos 
ing,  as  soon  as  we  could  meet  with  any  of  the  inhabit 
ants  of  that  place,  to  make  them  large  satisfaction. 
This  was  our  first  discovery,  whilst  our  shallop  was  in 
repairing. 

III.  —  THE  FIRST  ENCOUNTER. 

WEDNESDAY,  the  6th  of  December  [1620],  we  set  out, 
being  very  cold  and  hard  weather.  We  were  a  long 
while,  after  we  launched  from  the  ship,  before  we  could 
get  clear  of  a  sandy  point 2  which  lay  within  less  than 
a  furlough  of  the  same  ;  in  which  time  two  were  very 
sick,  and  Edward  Tilley  had  liked  to  have  sounded 8 
with  cold.  The  gunner  also  was  sick  unto  death  ;  but 
hope  of  trucking4  made  him  to  go,  and  so  remained  all 

l  Come.  2  The  end  of  Long  Point. 

3  Possibly  swooned,  o*  ached.  4  Traffic. 


320  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

that  day  and  the  next  night.  At  length  we  got  clear 
of  the  sandy  point,  and  got  up  our  sails,  and,  within 
an  hour  or  two,  we  got  under  the  weather-shore,  and 
then  had  smoother  water  and  better  sailing.  But  it 
was  very  cold ;  for  the  water  froze  on  our  clothes,  and 
made  them  many  times  like  coats  of  iron. 

We  sailed  six  or  seven  leagues  by  the  shore,  but  saw 
neither  river  nor  creek.  At  length  we  met  with  a 
tongue  of  land,  being  flat  off  from  the  shore,  with  a 
sandy  point.1  We  bore  up  to 
gain  the  point,  and  found 
there  a  fair  income2  or  road 
of  a  bay,  being  a  league  over 
at  the  narrowest,  and  some 
two  or  three  in  length  ;  but  we 
made  right  over  to  the  land 
before  us,  and  left  the  dis 
covery  of  this  income  till  the 
next  clay.  As  we  drew  near 
to  the  shore,3  we  espied  some 
ten  or  twelve  Indians  very  busy  about  a  black  thing,  — 
what  it  was  we  could  not  tell,  —  till  afterwards  they 
saw  us,  and  ran  to  and  fro,  as  if, they  had  been  carry 
ing  something  away.  We  landed  a  league  or  two  from 
them,  and  had  much  ado  to  put  ashore  anywhere,  it 
lay  so  full  of  flat  sands.  When  we  came  to  shore,  we 
made  us  a  barricade,  and  got  firewood,  and  set  out 
sentinels,  and  betook  us  to  our  lodging,  such  as  it  was. 
We  saw  the  smoke  of  the  fire  which  the  savages  made 
that  night,  about  four  or  five  miles  from  us. 

1  Billingsgate  Point,  in  Wellfleet,  now  an  island. 

2  Entrance.  3  fn  Eastham. 


GOVERNOR   WINSLOW. 


THE    FIRST    ENCOUNTER.  321 

In  the  morning  we  divided  our  company,  some  eight 
in  the  shallop  ;  and  the  rest  on  the  shore  went  to  dis 
cover  this  place.  But  we  found  it  only  to  be  a  bay,1 
without  either  river  or  creek  coming  into  it.  Yet  we 
deemed  it  to  be  as  good  a  harbor  as  Cape  Cod ;  for 
they  that  sounded  it  found  a  ship  might  ride  in  five 
fathom  water.  We  on  the  land  found  it  to  be  a  level 
soil,  though  none  of  the  fruitfulest.  We  saw  two 
becks2  of  fresh  water,  which  were  the  first  running 
streams  that  we  saw  in  the  country ;  but  one  might 
stride  over  them.  We  found  also  a  great  fish,  called  a 
grampus,3  dead  on  the  sands.  They  in  the  shallop 
found  two  of  them  also  in  the  bottom  of  the  bay,  dead 
in  like  sort.  They  were  cast  up  at  high  water,  and 
could  not  get  off  for  the  frost  and  ice.  They  were 
some  five  or  six  paces  long,  and  about  two  inches 
thick  of  fat,  and  fleshed  like  swine.  They  would  have 
yielded  a  great  deal  of  oil,  if  there  had  been  time  and 
means  to  have  taken'  it.  So  we,  finding  nothing  for 
cur  turn,  both  we  and  our  shallop  returned. 

We  then  directed  our  course  along  the  sea-sands  to 
the  place  where  we  first  saw  the  Indians.  When  we 
were  there,  we  saw  it  was  also  a  grampus  which  they 
were  cutting  up.  They  cut  it  into  long  rands,  or  pieces, 
about  an  ell  long,  and  two  handful  broad.  We  found 
here  and  there  a  piece  scattered  by  the  way,  as  it 
seemed,  for  haste.  This  place  the  most  were  minded 
we  should  call  the  Grampus  Bay,  because  we  found 
so  many  of  them  there.  We  followed  the  track  of 

1  Wellfleet  harbor. 

2  Brooks  ;  i.e.,  Indian  Brook  and  Cook's  Brook. 

3  One  of  the  dolphin  family,  sometimes  twenty-five  feet  Icng. 


322  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

the  Indians'  bare  feet  a  good  way  on"  the  sands.  At 
length  we  saw  where  they  struck  into  the  woods  by 
the  side  of  a  pond.1  As  we  went  to  view  the  place, 
one  said  he  thought  he  saw  an  Indian  house  among 
the  trees,  so  went  up  to  see.  And  here  we  and  the 
shallop  lost  sight  one  of  another  till  night,  it  being 
now  about  nine  or  ten  o'clock:  so  we  light2  upon  a 
path,  but  saw  no  house,  and  followed  a  great  way  into 
the  woods.  At  length  we  found  where  corn  had  been 
set,  but  not  that  year. 

Anon  we  found  a  great  burying-place,  one  part 
whereof  was  encompassed  with  a  large  palisado,  like  a 
churchyard  with  young  spires,8  four  or  five  yards  long, 
set  as  close  one  by  another  as  they  could,  two  or  three 
foot  in  the  ground.  Within,  it  was  full  of  graves,  some 
bigger,  and  some  less.  Some  were  also  paled 4  about, 
and  others  had  like  an  Indian  house  made  over  them, 
but  not  matted.  These  graves  were  more  sumptuous 
than  those  at  Cornhill  ;5  yet  we  digged  none  of  them 
up,  but  only  viewed  them,  and  went  our  way.  Without 
the  palisado  were  graves  also,  but  not  so  costly.  From 
this  place  we  went  and  found  more  corn-ground,  but 
not  of  this  year.  As  we  ranged,  we  light  on  four  or 
five  Indian  houses  which  had  been  lately  dwelt  in  ; 
but  they  were  uncovered,  and  had  no  mats  about  them, 
else  they  were  like  those  we  found  at  Cornhill,  but  had 
not  been  so  lately  dwelt  in.  There  was  nothing  left 
but  two  or  three  pieces  of  old  mats,  and  a  little  sedge. 

1  Great  Pond,  in  Eastham. 

2  Lighted  upon,  or  discovered. 

3  Boughs,  or  tops  of  young  trees. 

4  Surrounded  with  palings. 

5  An  Indian  grave,  where  they  had  found  corn. 


THE    FIRST    ENCOUNTER.  323 

Also,  a  little  further,  we  found  two  baskets  full  of 
parched  acorns  hid  in  the  ground,  which  we  supposed 
had  been  corn  when  we  began  to  dig  the  same.  We 
cast  earth  thereon  again,  and  went  our  way.  All  this 
while  we.  saw  no  people. 

We  went  ranging  up  and  down  till  the  sun  began  to 
draw  low,  and  then  we  hasted  out  of  the  woods,  that 
we  might  come  to  our  shallop,  which,  when  we  were 
out  of  the  woods,  we  espied  a  great  way  off,  and  called 
them  to  come  unto  us  ;  the  which  they  did  as  soon  as 
they  could,  for  it  was  not  yet  high  water.  They  were 
exceeding  glad  to  see  us  ;  for  they  feared  because  they 
had  not  seen  us  in  so  long  a  time,  thinking  we  would 
have  kept  by  the  shore-side.  So,  being  both  weary 
and  faint,  —  for  we  had  eaten  nothing  all  day, — we 
fell  to  make  our  rendezvous,  and  get  firewood,  which 
always  costs  us  a  great  deal  of  labor.  By  that  time 
we  had  done,  and  our  shallop  come  to  us,  it  was  within 
night ;  and  we  fed  upon  such  victuals  as  we  had,  and 
betook  us  to  our  rest,  after  we  had  set  our  watch. 
About  midnight  we  heard  a  great  and  hideous  cry  ;  and 
our  sentinels  called,  "  Arm,  arm  !  "  So  we  bestirred 
ourselves,  and  shot  off  a  couple  of  muskets,  and  the 
noise  ceased.  We  concluded  that  it  was  a  company  of 
wolves  or  foxes  ;  for  one  told  us  he  had  heard  such  a 
noise  in  Newfoundland. 

About  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  began  to  be 
stirring ;  and  two  or  three,  which  doubted  whether 
their  pieces  would  go  off  or  no,  made  trial  of  them, 
and  shot  them  off,  but  thought  nothing  at  all.  After 
prayer,  we  prepared  ourselves  for  breakfast,  and  for  a 
journey  ;  and,  it  being  now  twilight  in  the  morning,  it 


324  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

was  thought  meet  to  carry  the  things  down  to  the 
shallop.  Some  said  it  was  not  best  to  carry  the.  armor 
down.  Others  said  they  would  be  readier.  Two  or 
three  said  they  would  not  carry  theirs  till  they  went 
themselves,  but  mistrusting  nothing  at  all.  As  it  fell 
out,  the  water  not  being  high  enough,  they  laid  the 
things  down  upon  the  shore,  and  came  up  to  breakfast. 
Anon,  all  of  a  sudden,  we  heard  a  great  and  strange 
cry,  which  we  knew  to  be  the  same  voices,  though  they 
varied  their  notes.  One  of  the  company,  being  abroad, 
came  running  in,  and  cried,  "  They  are  men !  Indians, 
Indians !  "  and  withal  their  arrows  came  flying  amongst 
us. 

Our  men  ran  out  with  all  speed  to  recover  their 
arms,  as  by  the  good  providence  of  God  they  did.  In 
the  mean  time,  Captain  Miles  Standish,  having  a  snap- 
hance l  ready,  made  a  shot ;  and  after  him  another. 
After  they  two  had  shot,  other  two  of  us  were  ready  : 
but  he  wished  us  not  to  shoot  till  we  could  take  aim, 
for  we  knew  not  yha.t  need  we  should  have  ;  and  there 
were  four  only  of  us  which  had  their  arms  there  ready, 
and  stood  before  the  open  side  of  our  barricado,  which 
was  first  assaulted.  They  thought  it  best  to  defend  it, 
lest  the  enemy  should  take  it  and  our  stuff,  and  so  have 
the  more  vantage2  against  us.  Our  care  was  no  less 
for  the  shallop ;  but  we  hoped  all  the  rest  would  defend 
it.  We  called  unto  them  to  know  how  it  was  with 
them  ;  and  they  answered,  "  Well,  well,"  every  one ; 
and,  "  Be  of  good  courage."  We  heard  three  of  their 
pieces  go  off ;  and  the  rest  called  for  a  firebrand  to 
light  their  matches.  One  took  a  log  out  of  the  fire  on 

1  A  flint-lock  musket,  then  rare.  2  Advantage. 


THE    FIRST    ENCOUNTER. 


325 


his  shoulder,  and  went  and  carried  it  unto  them,  which 
was  thought  did  not  a  little  discourage  our  enemies. 
The  cry  of  our  enemies  l  was  dreadful,  especially  when 
our  men  ran  out  to  recover  their  arms.  Their  note  was 
after  this  manner,  "  Woach,  woach,  ha  ha  hach  woach  !  " 
Our  men  were  no  sooner  come  to  their  arms,  but  the 
enemy  was  ready  to  assault  them. 

There  was  a  lusty  man,  and  no  whit  less  valiant,  who 
was  thought  to  be  their  captain,  stood  behind 
a  tree,  within  half  a  musket-shot  of  us,  and 
there  let  his  arrows  fly  at  us.  He  was  seen  to 
shoot  three  arrows,  which  were  all  avoided  ; 
for  he  at  whom  the  first  arrow  was  aimed  saw 
it,  and  stooped  down  ;  and  it  flew  over  him. 
The  rest  were  avoided  also.  He  stood  three 
shots  of  a  musket.  At  length  one  took,  as  he 
said,  full  aim  at  him,  after  which  he  gave  an 
extraordinary  cry,  and  away  they  went  all. 
We  followed  them  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  : 
but  we  left  six  to  keep  our  shallop ;  for  we 
were  very  careful  of  our  business.  Then  we 
shouted  all  together  two  several  times,  and 
shot  off  a  couple  of  muskets,  and  so  returned.  SWORD  OF 
This  we  did,  that  they  might  see  we  were  not  STANDISH- 
afraid  of  them,  nor  discouraged. 

Thus  it  pleased  God  to  vanquish  our  enemies,  and 
give  us  deliverance.  By  their  noise  we  could  not  guess 
they  were  less  than  thirty  or  forty,  though  some  thought 
that  they  were  many  more  ;  yet,  in  the  dark  of  the 
morning,  we  could  not  so  well  discern  them  among 
the  trees  as  they  could  see  us  by  our  fireside.  We 

1  These  were  the  Nauset  Indians. 


326  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

took  up  eighteen  of  their  arrows,  which  we  have  sent 
to  England  by  Master  Jones,  some  whereof  were  headed 
with  Brass,  others  with  harts'  horn,  and  others  with 
eagles'  claws.  Many  more,  no  doubt,  were  shot,  for 
these  we  found  were  almost  covered  with  leaves :  yet, 
by  the  especial  providence  of  God,  none  of  them  either 
hit  or  hurt  us,  though  many  came  close  by  us,  and  on 
every  side  of  us  ;  and  some  coats  which  hung  up  in  our 
barricado  were  shot  through  and  through.  So,  after  we 
had  given  God  thanks  for  our  deliverance,  we  took  our 
shallop,  and  went  our  journey,  and  called  this  place 
"  The  First  Encounter." 


IV.  —  THE  LANDING  ON  PLYMOUTH  ROCK. 

[The  same  exploring-party,  in  a  shallop,  finally  reached  Plymouth 
harbor.] 

HAVING  the  wind  good,  we  sailed  all  that  day  along 
the  coast  about  fifteen  leagues,  but  saw  neither  river 
nor  creek  to  put  into.  After  we  had  sailed  an  hour  or 
two,  it  began  to  snow  and  rain,  and  to  be  bad  weather. 
About  the  midst  of  the  afternoon,  the  wind  increased, 
and  the  seas  began  to  be  very  rough  ;  and  the  hinges 
of  the  rudder  broke,  so  that  we  could  steer  no  longer; 
but  two  men,  with  much  ado,  were  fain  to  serve  with 
a  couple  of  oars.  The  seas  were  grown  so  great,  that 
we  were  much  troubled  and  in  great  danger  ;  and  night 
drew  on.  Anon  Master  Coppin  bade  us  be  of  good 
cheer  :  he  saw  the  harbor.  As  we  drew  near,  the  gale 
being  stiff,  and  we  bearing  great  sail  to  get  in,  split  our 


THE    LANDING    ON    PLYMOUTH    ROCK. 


327 


mast  in  three  pieces,  and  were  like  to  have  cast  away 
our  shallop.  Yet  by  God's  mercy,  recovering  our 
selves,  we  had  the  flood1  with  us,  and  struck  into  the 
harbor. 

Now  he  that  thought  that  had  been  the  place  was 


SUNDAY    ON    CLARK'S    ISLAND. 

deceived,  it  being  a  place  where  not  any  of  us  had 
been  before  ;  and,  coming  into  the  harbor,  he  that  was 
our  pilot  did  bear  up  northward,  which  if  we  had  con 
tinued  we  had  been-cast  away.  Yet  still  the  Lord  kept 
us,  and  we  bare  up  for  an  island  '2  before  us ;  and 
recovering  of  that  island,  being  compassed  about  with 

1  Tide. 

2  Clark's  Island.     It  was  named  after  the  mate  of  the  "Mayflower," 
who  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  to  land  there. 


328  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

many  rocks,  and  dark  night  growing  upon  us,  it  pleased 
the  divine  Providence  that  we  fell  upon  a  place  of 
sandy  ground,  where  our  shallop  did  ride  safe  and 
secure  all  that  night ;  and,  coming  upon  a  strange 
island,  kept  our  watch  all  night  in  the  rain  upon 
that  island.  And  in  the  morning  we  marched  about 
it,  and  found  no  inhabitants  at  all  ;  and  here  we  made 
our  rendezvous  all  that  day,  being  Saturday,  gth  of 
December. 

On  the  sabbath  day  we  rested  ;  and  on  Monday  we 
sounded  the  harbor,  and  found  it  a  very  good  harbor 
for  our  shipping.  We  inarched  also  into  the  land,1  and 
found  divers  cornfields,  and  little  running  brooks,  —  a 
place  very  good  for  situation  :  so  we  returned  to  our 
ship  again  with  good  news  to  the  rest  of  our  people, 
which  did  much  comfort  their  hearts. 


V.  —  PLYMOUTH  VILLAGE  FOUNDED. 

[The  expedition  having  returned  to  the  ship,  the  "  Mayflower '?  came  (o 
Plymouth  harbor,  and  landed  the  colonists.] 

So  in  the  morning,  after  we  had  called  on  God  for 
direction,  we  came  to  this  resolution,  to  go  presently 
ashore  again,  and  to  take  a  better  view  of  two  places 
which  we  thought  most  fitting  for  us ;  for  we  could  not 

1  This  was  the  "  landing  of  the  Pilgrims."  Allowing  for  the  change  in 
the  calendar,  called  "  New  Style,"  it  corresponds  to  the  2ist  of  December, 
though  it  was  long  Considered  to  correspond  to  the  22d.  "  New  Style" 
means  the  modern  or  Gregorian  mode  of  reckoning  time,  which  was  pro 
posed  by  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  in  1582,  but  not  adopted  in  England  till 
September,  1752. 


PLYMOUTH    VILLAGE    FOUNDED.  329 

now  take  time  for  further  search  or  consideration,  our 
victuals  being  much  spent,  especially  our  beer,  and  it 
being  now  the  igth  of  December.  After  our  landing 
and  viewing  of  the  places,  so  well  as  we  could,  we 
came  to  a  conclusion,  by  most  voices,  to  set  on  the 
mainland,  on  the  first  place,  on  a  high  ground,  where 
there  is  a  great  deal  of  land  cleared,  and  hath  been 
planted  with  corn  three  or  four  years  ago  ;  and  there  is 
a  very  sweet  brook  runs  under  the  hillside,  and  many 
delicate  springs  of  as  good  water  as  can  be  drunk,  and 
where  we  may  harbor  our  shallops  and  boats  exceeding 
well  ;  and  in  this  brook  much  good  fish  in  their  sea 
sons  :  on  the  farther  side  of  the  river  also  much  corn- 
ground  cleared.  In  one  field  is  a  great  hill,  on  which 
we  point ]  to  make  a  platform,  and  plant  our  ordnance, 
which  will  command  all  round  about.  From  thence  we 
may  see  into  the  bay,  and  far  into  the  sea ;  and  we 
may  see  thence  Cape  Cod.  Our  greatest  labor  will  be 
fetching  of  our  wood,  which  is  half  a  quarter  of  an 
English  mile ;  but  there  is  enough  so  far  off.  What 
people  inhabit  here  we  yet  know  not;  for  as  yet  we 
have  seen  none.  So  there  we  made  our  rendezvous, 
and  a  place  for  some  of  our  people,  about  twenty,  re 
solving  in  the  morning  to  come  all  ashore,  and  to  build 
houses. 

But  the  next  morning,  being  Thursday,  the  2ist  of 
December,  it  was  stormy  and  wet,  that  we  could  not 
go  ashore;  and  those  that  remained  there  all  night 
could  do  nothing,  but  were  wet,  not  having  daylight 
enough  to  make  them  a  sufficient  court  of  guard  2  to 

1  Appoint,  or  propose. 

2  Guard-house. 


330  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

keep  them  dry.  All  that  night  it  blew  and  rained 
extremely.  It  was  so  tempestuous,  that  the  shallop 
could  not  go  on  land  so  soon  as  was  meet,  for  they  had 
no  victuals  on  land.  About  eleven  o'clock,  the  shallop 
went  off  with  much  ado,  with  provisions,  but  could  not 
return,  it  blew  so  strong ;  and  was  such  foul  weather 
that  we  were  forced  to  let  fall  our  anchor,  and  ride 
with  three  anchors  ahead. 

Friday,  the  22d,  the  storm  still  continued,  that  we 
could  not  get  a-land,  nor  they  come  to  us  aboard. 

Saturday,  the  23d,  so  many  of  us  as  could  went  on 
shore,  felled  and  carried  timber,  to  provide  themselves 
stuff  for  building. 

Sunday,  the  24th,  our  people  on  shore  heard  a  cry 
of  some  savages,  as  they  thought,  which  caused  an 
alarm,  and  to  stand  on  their  guard,  expecting  an 
assault  ;  but  all  was  quiet. 

Monday,  the  twenty-fifth  day,  we  went  on  shore,  — 
some  to  fell  timber,  some  to  saw,  some  to  rive,1  and 
some  to  carry  :  so  no  man  rested  all  that  clay.  But 
towards  night,  some,  as  they  were  at  work,  heard  a 
noise  of  some  Indians,  which  caused  us  all  to  go  to  our 
muskets  ;  but  we  heard  no  further.  So  we  came  aboard 
again,  and  left  some  twenty  to  keep  the  court  of  guard. 
That  night  we  had  a  sore  storm  of  wind  and  rain.  .  .  . 

Thursday,  the  28th  of  December,  so  many  as  could 
went  to  work  on  the  hill,  where  we  purposed  to  build 
our  platform  for  our  ordnance,  and  which  doth  com 
mand  all  the  plain  and  the  bay,  and  from  whence  we 
may  see  far  into  the  sea,  and  might  be  easier  impaled,2 
having  two  rows  of  houses  and  a  fair  street.  So  in  the 

i  Split.  -  Surrounded  by  palings. 


PLYMOUTH    VILLAGE    FOUNDED. 


331 


afternoon  we  went  to  measure  out  the  grounds  ;  and 
first  we  took  notice  how  many  families  there  were, 
willing  *  all  single  men  that  had  no  wives  to  join  with 
some  family,  as  they  thought  fit,  that  so  we  might  build 
fewer  houses ;  which  was  done,  and  we  reduced  them 
to  nineteen  families.  To  greater  families  we  allowed 


LANDING    OF    MARY    CHILTON. 


larger  plots,  —  to  every  person  half  a  pole  in  breadth, 
and  three  in  length  ;  and  so  lots  were  cast  where  every 
man  should  lie  ;  which  was  done,  and  staked  out.  We 
thought  this  proportion  was  large  enough  at  the  first, 
for  houses  and  gardens  to  impale  them  round,  con 
sidering  the  weakness  of  our  people,  many  of  them 
growing  ill  with  colds  ;  for  our  former  discoveries  in 
frost  and  storms,  and  the  wading  at  Cape  Cod,  had 
brought  much  weakness  amongst  us,  which  increased 

1   Requiring. 


332  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

so  every  day  more  and  more,  and  after  was  the  cause 
of  many  of  their  deaths.  .  .  . 

Monday,  the  8th  of  January,  was  a  very  fair  day,  and 
we  went  betimes  to  work.  Master  Jones  sent  the 
shallop,  as  he  had  formerly  done,  to  see  where  fish 
could  be  got.  They  had  a  great  storm  at  sea,  and 
were  in  some  danger.  At  night  they  returned  with 
three  great  seals,  and  an  excellent  good  cod,  which  did 
assure  us  that  we  should  have  plenty  of  fish  shortly. 

This  day  Francis  Billington,  having  the  week  before 
seen  from  the  top  of  a  tree  on  a  high  hill  a  great  sea,1 
as  he  thought,  went  with  one  of  the  master's  mates  to 
see  it.  They  went  three  miles,  and  then  came  to  a 
great  water,  divided  into  two  great  lakes  ;  the  bigger 
of  them  five  or  six  miles  in  circuit,  and  in  it  an  isle  a 
cable-length  square ;  the  other  three  miles  in  compass, 
in  their  estimation.  They  are  fine  fresh  water,  full  of 
fish  and  fowl.  A  brook  2  issues  from  it.  It  will  be  an 
excellent  place  for  us  in  time.  They  found  seven  or 
eight  Indian  houses,  but  not  lately  inhabited.  When 
they  saw  the  houses,  they  were  in  some  fear  ;  for  they 
were  but  two  persons,  and  one  piece. 

Tuesday,  the  9th  of  January,  was  a  reasonable  fair 
day  ;  and  we  went  to  labor  that  day  in  the  building 
of  our  town,  in  two  rows  of  houses,3  for  more  safety. 
We  divided  by  lot  the  plot  of  ground  whereon  to  build 
our  town,  after  the  proportion  formerly  allotted.  We 
agreed  that  every  man  should  build  his  own  house, 
thinking,  by  that  course,  men  would  make  more  haste 

i  It  is  still  called  Billington  Sea.  2  Town  Brook. 

3  These  houses  were  built  on  each  sid;  of  Leyden  Street,  which  now 
extends  from  the  First  Church  to  the  harbor. 


"  WELCOME,    ENGLISHMEN  !  333 

than  working  in  common.  The  common  house,  in 
which,  for  the  first,  we  made  our  rendezvous,  being  near 
finished,  wanted  only  covering,  it  being  about  twenty 
foot  square.  Some  should  make  mortar,  and  gather 
thatch  j  so  that  in  four  days  half  of  it  was  thatched. 
Frost  and  foul  weather  hindered  us  much.1  This  time 
of  the  year,  seldom  could  we  work  half  the  week. 


VI.  —  "  WELCOME,  ENGLISHMEN  !  " 

AND,  whilst  we  were  busied  hereabout,  we  were  in 
terrupted  again  ;  for  there  presented  himself  a  savage, 
which  caused  an  alarm.  He  very  boldly  came  all 
alone,  and  along  the  houses,  straight  to  the  rendezvous ; 
where  we  intercepted  him,  not  suffering  him  to  go  in, 
as  undoubtedly  he  would  out  of2  his  boldness.  He 
saluted  us  in  English,  and  bade  us  "  Welcome  ; "  for 
he  had  learned  some  broken  English  among  the  English 
men  that  came  to  fish  at  Monhiggon,3  and  knew  by 
name  the  most  of  the  captains,  commanders,  and  mas 
ters  that  usually  come.  He  was  a  man  free  in  speech, 
so  far  as  he  could  express  his  mind,  and  of  a  seemly 
carriage.  We  questioned  him  of  many  things.  He  was 
the  first  savage  we  could  meet  withal.  He  said  he  was 
not  of  these  parts,  but  of  Morattiggon,  and  one  of  the 
sagamores  or  lords  thereof,  and  had  been  eight  months 
in  these  parts,  it  lying  hence  a  day's  sail  with  a  great 
wind,  and  five  days  by  land.  He  discoursed  of  the 

1  It  was,  however,  an  unusually  mild  winter.  2  Beware  of. 

3  Monhegan,  an  island  on  the  coast  of  Maine. 


334  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PLYMOUTH. 

whole  country,  and  of  every  province,  and  of  their 
sagamores,  and  their  number  of  men,  and  strength. 
The  wind  beginning  to  rise  a  little,  we  cast  a  horse 
man's  coat  about  him  ;  for  he  was  stark  naked,  only  a 
leather  about  his  waist,  with  a  fringe  about  a  span  long, 
or  little  more.  He  had  a  bow  and  two  arrows,  —  the 
one  headed,  the  other  unheaded.  He  was  a  tall,  straight 
man ;  the  hair  of  his  head  black,  long  behind,  only 
short  before,  none  on  his  face  at  all.  .He  asked  some 
beer  ;  but  we  gave  him  strong  water,1  and  biscuit,  and 
butter,  and  cheese,  and  pudding,  and  a  piece  of  mal 
lard  ;2  all  which  he  liked  well,  and  had  been  acquainted 
with  such  amongst  the  English. 

He  told  us  the  place  where  we  now  live  is  called 
Patuxet,  and  that,  about  four  years  ago,  all  the  inhab 
itants  died  of  an  extraordinary  plague,  and  there  is 
neither  man,  woman,  nor  child  remaining,  as  indeed  we 
have  found  none  ;  so  as  there  is  none  to  hinder  our 
possession,  or  to  lay  claim  unto  it.  All  the  afternoon 
we  spent  in  communication  with  him.  We  would  gladly 
have  been  rid  of  him  at*night ;  but  he  was  not  willing 
to  go  this  night.  Then  we  thought  to  carry  him  on 
shipboard,  wherewith  he  was  well  content,  and  went 
into  the  shallop ;  but  the  wind  was  high,  and  the  water 
scant,  that  it  could  not  return  back.  We  lodged  him 
that  night  at  Stephen  Hopkins's  house,  and  watched 
him. 

The  next  day,  he  went  away  back  to  the  Massasoits,3 
from  whence  he  said  he  came,  who  are  our  next  border- 

1  Ardent  spirits.  2  Mallard-duck. 

3  Massasoit  was  the  name  of  a  sachem  ;  but  they  mistook  it  for  the  name 
of  a  tribe. 


"  WELCOME,    ENGLISHMEN  !  "  335 

ing  neighbors.  They  are  sixty  strong,  as  he  saith.  The 
Nausites  are  as  near,  south-east  of  them,  and  are  a  hun 
dred  strong;  and  those  were  they  of1  whom  our  people 
were  encountered,  as  we  before  related.  They  are 
much  incensed  and  provoked  against  the  English,  and, 
about  eight  months  ago,  slew  three  Englishmen;  and  two 
more  hardly  escaped  by  flight  to  Monhiggon.  They 
were  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges'  men,  as  this  savage  told 
us ;  as  he  did  likewise  of  the  huggery,  that  is.  fight,'2 
that  our  discoverers  had  with  the  Nausites,  and  of  our 
tools  that  were  taken  out  of  the  woods,  which  we  willed 
him  should  be  brought  again :  otherwise  we  would 
right  ourselves.  These  people  are  ill  affected  towards 
the  English  by  reason  of  one  Hunt,3  a  master  of  a 
ship,  who  deceived  the  people,  and  got  them,  under 
color  of  trucking  with  them,  —  twenty  out  of  this  very 
place  where  we  inhabit,  and  seven  men  from  the 
Nausites;  —  and  carried  them  away,  and  sold  them  for 
slaves,  like  a  wretched  man  —  for  twenty  pound  a  man 
—  that  cares  not  what  mischief  he  doth  for  his  profit. 

Saturday,  in  the  morning,  we  dismissed  the  savage, 
and  gave  him  a  knife,  a  bracelet,  and  a  ring.  He 
promised  within  a  night  or  two  to  come  again,  and  to 
bring  with  him  some  of  the  Massasoits,  our  neighbors, 
with  such  beavers'  skins  as  they  had  to  truck 4  with  us. 

Saturday  and  Sunday,  reasonable  fair  days.  On  this 
day  came  again  the  savage,  and  brought  with  him  five 
other  tall,  proper  men.  They  had  every  man  a  deer's 

1  By. 

2  The  fight  took  place  at  Martha's  Vineyard,  July  i.  1620. 

3  This  Captain  Hunt  had  kidnapped  Indians,  and  carried  them  to  Spain 
as  slaves.     The  monks  of  Malaga  set  them  at  liberty. 

4  Trade. 


336  THE    PILGRIMS    AT    PL  v  MOUTH. 

skin  on  him  ;  and  the  principal  of  them  had  a  wildcat's 
skin,  or  such  like,  on  the  one  arm.  They  had,  most  of 
them,  long  hose  up  to  their  groins,  close  made,  and 
above  their  groins,  to  their  waist,  another  leather :  they 
were  altogether  like  the  Irish  trousers.  They  are  of 
complexion  like  our  English  gypsies ;  no  hair,  or  very 
little,  on  their  faces ;  on  their  heads,  long  hair  to  their 
shoulders,  only  cut  before,  —  some  trussed  up  before 
with  a  feather,  broad-wise,  like  a  fan  ;  another,  a  fox-tail 
hanging  out.  These  left  —  according  to  our  charge 
given  him  before  —  their  bows  and  arrows  a  quarter 
a  mile  of  from  our  town. 

We  gave  them  entertainment  as  we  thought  was  fit 
ting  them.  They  did  eat  liberally  of  our  English  vic 
tuals.  They  made  semblance  unto  us  of  friendship  and 
amity.  They  sang  and  danced  after  their  manner  like 
antics.1  They  brought  with  them  in  a  thing  like  a  bow- 
case —  which  the  principal  of  them  had  about  his  waist 
—  a  little  of  their  corn  pounded  to  powder,  which,  put  to 
a  little  water,  they  eat.  He  had  a  little  tobacco  in  his 
bag  ;  but  none  of  them  drank 2  but  when  he  liked. 
Some  of  them  had  their  faces  painted  black,  from  the 
forehead  to  the  chin,  four  or  five  fingers  broad ;  others 
after  other  fashions,  as  they  liked. 

They  brought  three  or  four  skins  ;  but  we  would  not 
truck  with  them  at  all  that  day,  but  wished  them  to 
bring  more,  and  we  would  truck  for  all ;  which  they 
promised  within  a  night  or  two,  and  would  leave  these 
behind  them,  though  we  were  not  willing  they  should ; 
and  they  brought  us  all  our  tools  again,  which  were 
taken  in  the  woods,  in  our  men's  absence.  So,  because 
l  Clowns.  2  Smoked. 


"  WELCOME,    ENGLISHMEN  !  " 


337 


of  the  day,  we  dismissed  them  as  soon  as  we  could. 
But  Samoset,  our  first  acquaintance,  either  was  sick,  or 
feigned  himself  so,  and  would  not  go  with  them,  and 
staid  with  us  till  Wednesday  morning.  Then  we  sent 
him  to  them  to  know  the  reason  they  came  not  accord 
ing  to  their  words ;  and  we  gave  him  a  hat,  a  pair  of 
stockings  and  shoes,  a  shirt,  and  a  piece  of  cloth  to  tie 
about  his  waist. 


GOV.  CARVER'S  CHAIR. 


BOOK   XV. 

THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  COLONY. 

(A.D.  1629-1631.) 


The  first  of  these  extracts  is  from  Rev.  Francis  Higginson's  "  True  Re 
lation  of  the  Last  Voyage  to  New  England,  written  from  New  England, 
July  24,  1629,"  reprinted  in  Young's  "Chronicles  of  the  First  Planters 
of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay:"  Boston,  1846  (pp.  235-237).  The 
second  is  from  the  same  work :  (Young,  pp.  232-235).  The  third  is  from 
"  New  England's  Plantation ;  or,  A  Short  and  True  Description  of  the 
Commodities  and  Discommodities  of  that  Country,"  by  Francis  Higginson  : 
London,  1630:  (Young,  pp,  242-256).  This  pamphlet  attracted  so  much 
attention,  that  three  distinct  editions  of  it  were  published  in  a  year. 

The  next  two  passages  are  from  "  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop  " 
(vol.  ii.  pp.  15-16,  64-65).  The  last  passage  is  from  the  "Memoirs  of 
Captain  Roger  Clap  :  "  (Young,  pp.  351-354)- 


THE   MASSACHUSETTS   BAY   COLONY. 


I.  —  THE  VOYAGE  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  COLONISTS. 

[The  first  large  colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company  sailed  from 
England  in  April,  1629,  with  two  hundred  people ;  Governor  Endicott,  with 
"a  few  men,"  having  preceded  them  the  year  before.  The  Reverend 
Francis  Higginson  was  the  leader  of  this  larger  party.  These  were  the 
colonists  properly  called  Puritans,  as  distinct  from  the  Pilgrims,  who  set 
tled  Plymouth.] 

NOW  in  our  passage  divers  things  are  remark 
able. 

First,  through  God's  blessing,  our  passage  was  short 
and  speedy ;  for  whereas  we  had  a  thousand  leagues, 
that  is,  three  thousand  miles  English,  to  sail  from  Old 
to  New  England,  we  performed  the  same  in  six  weeks 
and  three  days. 

Secondly,  our  passage  was  comfortable  and  easy,  for 
the  most  part,  having  ordinarily  fair  and  moderate 
wind,  and  being  freed,  for  the  most  part,  from  rough  and 
stormy  seas,  saving  one  night  only,  which  we  that  were 
not  used  thought  to  be  more  terrible  than  indeed  it 
was ;  and  this  was  Wednesday  at  night,  May  27. 


342  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

Thirdly,  our  passage  was  also  healthful  to  our  pas 
sengers,  being  freed  from  the  great  contagion  of  the 
scurvy  and  other  maledictions,1  which  in  other  passages 
to  other  places  had  taken  away  the  lives  of  many.  And 
yet  we  were,  in  all  reason,  in  wonderful  danger  all  the 
way,  our  ship  being  greatly  crowded  with  passengers  ; 
but,  through  God's  great  goodness,  we  had  none  that 
died  of  the  pox,  but  that  wicked  fellow  that  scorned  at 
fasting  and  prayer.  There  were,  indeed,  two  little  chil 
dren,  —  one  of  my  own,  and 
another  beside  :  but  I  do  not 
impute  it  merely  to  the  pas 
sage  ;  for  they  were  both  very 
sickly  children,  and  not  likely 
to  have  lived  long  if  they  had 
not  gone  to  sea.  And  take 
this  for  a  rule,  if  children  be 
healthful  when  they  come  to 
^  the  younger  they  are,  the 


FRANCIS    HIGGINSON.  ... 

better  they  will  endure  the  sea, 

and  are  not  troubled  with  sea-sickness  as  older  people 
are,  as  we  had  experience  in  many  children  that  went 
this  voyage.  My  wife,  indeed,  in  tossing  weather,  was 
something  ill  ;  ...  but  in  calm  weather  she  recovered 
again,  and  is  now  much  better  for  the  sea-sickness. 
And  for  my  own  part,  whereas  I  have  for  divers  years 
past  been  very  sickly,  .  .  .  and  was  very  sick  at  Lon 
don  and  Gravesend,  yet  from  the  time  I  came  on  ship 
board  to  this  day  I  have  been  strangely  healthful  ; 
and  now  I  can  digest  our  ship  diet  very  well,  which  I 
could  not  when  I  was  at  land.  .  .  .  Also  divers  children. 

1  Maladies. 


MASSACHUSETTS    COLONISTS    IN    SALEM    HARBOR.    343 

were  sick  of  the  smallpox,  but  are  safely  recovered 
again ;  and  two  or  three  passengers,  towards  the  latter 
end  of  the  voyage,  fell  sick  of  the  scurvy,  but,  coming 
to  land,  recovered  in  a  short  time. 

Fourthly,  our  passage  was  both  pleasurable  and 
profitable  ;  for  we  received  instruction  and  delight  in 
beholding  the  wonders  of  the  Lord  in  the  deep  waters, 
and  sometimes  seeing  the  sea  round  us  appearing  with 
a  terrible  countenance,  and,  as  it  were,  full  of  high 
hills  and  deep  valleys ;  and  sometimes  it  appeared  as 
a  most  plain  and  even  meadow.  And  ever  and  anon 
we  saw  divers  kinds  of  fishes  sporting  in  the  great 
waters,  great  grampuses  and  huge  whales  going  by 
companies,  and  puffing  up  water-streams.  Those  that 
love  their  own  chimney-corner,  and  dare  not  go  far 
beyond  their  own  town's  end,  shall  never  have  the 
honor  to  see  these  wonderful  works  of  Almighty  God. 


II.  —  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  COLONISTS  IN  SALEM 
HARBOR. 

FRIDAY  a  foggy  morning,  but  after  clear,  and  wind 
calm.  We  saw  many  schools  of  mackerel,  infinite  mul 
titudes  on  every  side  of  our  ship.  The  sea  was  abun 
dantly  stored  with  rockweed  and  yellow  flowers  like 
gilliflowers.  By  noon  we  were  within  three  leagues 
of  Cape  Ann  ;  and,  as  we  sailed  along  the  coasts,  we 
saw  every  hill  and  dale,  and  every  island,  full  of  gay 
woods  and  high  trees.  The  nearer  we  came  to  the 
shore,  the  more  flowers  in  abundance,  —  sometimes  scat 
tered  abroad,  sometimes  joined  in  sheets  nine  or  ten 


344  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY   COLONY. 

yards  long,  which  we  supposed  to  be  brought  from  the 
low  meadows  by  the  tide.1  Now  what,  with  fine  woods 
and  green  trees  by  land,  and  these  yellow  flowers  paint 
ing  the  sea,  made  us  all  desirous  to  see  our  new  para 
dise  of  New  England,  whence  we  saw  such  forerunning 
signal2  of  fertility  afar  off.  Coming  near  the  harbor 
towards  night,  we  tacked  about  for  sea-room. 

Saturday  a  foggy  morning,  but,  after  eight  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  very  clear.  The  wind  being  somewhat 
contrary  at  south  and  by  west,  we  tacked  to  and  again 
with  getting  little,  but  with  much  ado.  About  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  having  with  much  pain  com 
passed  the  harbor,  and  being  ready  to  enter  the  same, 
(see  how  things  may  suddenly  change !)  there  came  a 
fearful  gust  of  wind  and  rain,  and  thunder  and  light 
ning,  whereby  we  were  borne  with  no  little  terror  and 
trouble  to  our  mariners,  having  very  much  ado  to  loose 
down  the  sails  when  the  fury  of  the  storm  struck  us. 
But,  God  be  praised  !  it  lasted  but  a  while,  and  soon 
abated  again.  And  hereby  the  Lord  showed  us  what 
he  could  have  done  with  us,  if  it  had  pleased  him. 
But,  blessed  be  God  !  he  soon  removed  this  storm,  and 
it  was  a  fair  and  sweet  evening. 

We  had  a  westerly  wind,  which  brought  us,  between 
five  and  six  o'clock,  to  a  fine  and  sweet  harbor 3  seven 
miles  from  the  head-point  of  Cape  Ann.  This  harbor 
twenty  ships  may  easily  ride  therein ;  where  there  was 
an  island,4  whither  four  of  our  men  with  a  boat  went, 

1  These  may  have  been  buttercups  washed  from  the  shose.     It  has  also 
been  supposed  that  they  might  be  actinice,  or  sea-anemones,  torn  from  the 
rocks. 

2  i.e.,  signs  of  fertility,  seen  in  advance. 

3  Gloucester  harbor.  *  Ten-Pound  Island. 


MASSACHUSETTS    COLONISTS    IN    SALEM    HARBOR.    345 


and  brought  back  again  ripe  strawberries  and  goose 
berries,  and  sweet  single  roses.  Thus  God  was  merciful 
to  us  in  giving  us  a  taste  and  smell  of  the  sweet  fruit 
as  an  earnest  of  his  bountiful  goodness  to  welcome  us 
at  our  first  arrival.  This  harbor  was  two  leagues  and 
something  more  from  the  harbor  at  Naimkecke,1  where 
our  ships  were  to  rest,  and  the  plantation  is  already 
begun.  But  because  the  passage  is  difficult,  and  night 
drew  on,  we  put  into  Cape  Ann  harbor. 

The  sabbath,  being  the  first  we  kept  in  America,  and 
the  seventh  Lord's  Day  after  we  parted  with  England. 

Monday  we  came  from  Cape  Ann  to  go  to  Naim 
kecke,  the  wind  northerly.  I  should  have  told  you 
before,  that,  the  planters 
spying  our  English  colors, 
the  governor2  sent  a  shallop 
with  two  men  to  pilot  us. 
These  rested  the  sabbath 
with  us  at  Cape  Ann  ;  and 
this  day,  by  God's  blessing 
and  their  directions,  we 
passed  the  curious  and  diffi 
cult  entrance  into  the  large, 
spacious  harbor  of  Naim 
kecke.  And,  as  we  passed 
along,  it  was  wonderful  to  behold  so  many  islands, 
replenished  with  thick  wood  and  high  trees,  and  many 
fair,  green  pastures.  And,  being  come  into  the  harbor, 
we  saw  the  "  George,"  to  our  great  comfort,  there  being 
come  on  Tuesday,  which  was  seven  days  before  us. 


GOVERNOR    ENUICOTT. 


1  Afterwards  Salem. 

2  John  Endicott,  who  had  arrived  in  September,  1628. 


346  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

We  rested  that  night  with  glad  and  "thankful  hearts 
that  God  had  put  an  end  to  our  long  and  tedious 
journey  through  the  greatest  sea  in  the  world. 

The  next  morning,  the  governor  came  aboard  to  our 
ship,  and  bade  us  kindly  welcome,  and  invited  me  and 
my  wife  to  come  on  shore,  and  take  our  lodging  in  his 
house,  which  we  did  accordingly. 


III.  —  FIRE,  AIR,  EARTH,  AND  WATER  IN  NEW  ENG 
LAND. 

[As  described  by  Francis  Higginson,  1629.] 

LETTING  pass  our  voyage  by  sea,  we  will  now  begin 
our  discourse  on  the  shore  of  New  England.  And 
because  the  life  and  welfare  of  every  creature  here 
below,  and  the  commocliousness  of  the  country  whereas 
such  creatures  live,  doth,  by  the  most  wise  ordering  of 
God's  providence,  depend,  next  unto  himself,  upon  the 
temperature  and  disposition  of  the  four  elements,  earth, 
water,  air,  and  fire,  .  .  .  therefore  I  will  endeavor  to 
show  you  what  New  England  is,  by  the  consideration  of 
each  of  these  apart ;  and  truly  endeavor,  by  God's  help, 
to  report  nothing  but  the  naked  truth,  and'  that  both 
to  tell  you  of  the  discommodities  as  well  as  of  the  com 
modities.  Though,  as  the  idle  proverb  is,  "  Travellers 
may  lie  by  authority,"  and  so  may  take  too  much  sinful 
liberty  that  way,  yet  I  may  say  of  myself,  as  once  Nehe- 
miah  did  in  another  case,  Shall  such  a  man  as  I  lie? 
No,  verily.  .  .  . 


OF  THE  EARTH  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 


347 


Of  the  Earth  of  Ntw  England. 

It  is  a  land  of  divers  and  sundry  sorts  all  about 
Masathulets  l  Bay ;  and  at  Charles  River  is  as  fat  black 
earth  as  can  be  seen  anywhere  ;  and  in  other  places  you 
have  a  clay  soil ;  in  other,  gravel ;  in  other,  sandy,  as  it 
is  all  about  our  plantation  at  Salem  ;  for  so  our  town  is 
now  named. 

== 


FIRST  CHURCH    IN    SALEM. 


The  form  of  the  earth  here,  in  the  superficies  of  it,  is 
neither  too  flat  in  the  plainness,  nor  too  high  in  hills, 
but  partakes  of  both  in  a  mediocrity,  and  fit  for  pasture, 
or  for  plough  or  meadow  ground,  as  men  please  to 
employ  it.  Though  all  the  country  be,  as  it  were,  a 
thick  wood  for  the  general,  yet  in  divers  places  there  is 
much  ground  cleared  by  the  Indians,  and  especially 

1  Massachusetts. 


34-8  THE    MASSACHUSETTS   BAY   COLONY. 

about  the  plantation  ;  and  I  am  told,  that,  about  three 
miles  from  us,  a  man  may  stand  on  a  little  hilly  place, 
and  see  divers  thousands  of  acres  of  ground  as  good  as 
need  to  be,  and  not  a  tree  in  the  same.  .  .  . 

In  our  plantation  we  have  already  a  quart  of  milk 
for  a  penny.  But  the  abundant  increase  of  corn 
proves  this  country  to  be  a  wonderment.  Thirty,  forty, 
fifty,  sixty,  are  ordinary  here  :  yea,  Joseph's  increase 
in  Egypt  is  outstripped  here  with  us.  Our  planters 
hope  to  have  more  than  a  hundred-fold  this  year.  And 
all  this  while  I  am  within  compass :  what  will  you  say 
of  two-hundred-fold,  and  upwards  ?  It  is  almost  incredi 
ble  what  great  gain  some  of  our  English  planters  have 
had  by  our  Indian  corn.  Credible  persons  have 
assured  me,  and  the  party  himself  avouched  the  truth  of 
it  to  me,  that,  of  the  setting  of  thirteen  gallons  of 
corn,  he  hath  had  increase  of  it  fifty-two  hogsheads, 
every  hogshead  holding  seven  bushels  of  London  meas 
ure ;  and  every  bushel- was  by  him  sold  and  trusted  to 
the  Indians  for  so  much  beaver  as  was  worth  eighteen 
shillings ;  and  so  of  this  thirteen  gallons  of  corn, 
which  was  worth  six  shillings  eightpence,  he  made 
about  ^327  of  it  the  year  following,  as  by  reckoning 
will  appear :  where  you  may  see  how  God  blesseth 
husbandry  in  this  land.  There  is  not  such  great  and 
plentiful  ears  of  corn,  I  suppose,  anywhere  else  to  be 
found  but  in  this  country,  being  also  of  variety  of 
colors,  as  red,  blue,  and  yellow,  &c.;  and  of  one  corn 
there  springeth  four  or  five  hundred.  I  have  sent  you 
many  ears  of  divers  colors,  that  you  might  see  the 
truth  of  it. 

Little  children  here,  by   setting  of   corn,    may   earn 
much  more  than  their  own  maintenance.  . 


OF  THE  WATER  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.       349 

For  beasts,  there  are  some  bears,  and  they  say  some 
lions  also ;  for  they  have  been  seen  at  Cape  Ann. 
Also  here  are  several  sorts  of  deer,  some  whereof 
bring  three  or  four  young  ones  at  once,  which  is  not 
ordinary  in  England  ;  also  wolves,  foxes,  "beavers,  mar- ' 
tens,  great  wildcats,  and  a  great  beast  called  a  molke,1 
as  big  as  an  ox.  I  have  seen  the  skins  of  all  these 
beasts  since  I  came  to  this  plantation,  excepting  lions. 
Also  here  are  great  store  of  squirrels,  —  some  greater, 
and  .some  smaller  and  lesser :  there  are  some  of  the 
lesser  sort,  they  tell  me,  that  by  a  certain  skin  will  fly 
from  tree  to  tree,2  though  they  stand  far  distant. 

Of  the  Water  of  New  England. 

New  England  hath  water  enough,  both  salt  and  fresh. 
The  greatest  sea  in  the  world,  the  Atlantic  Sea,  runs 
all  along  the  coast  thereof.  There  are  abundance  of 
islands  along  the  shore,  some  full  of  wood  and  mast,  to 
feed  swine,  and  others  clear  of  wood,  and  fruitful,  to 
bear  corn.  Also  we  have  store  of  excellent  harbors 
for  ships,  as  at  Cape  Ann,  and  at  Masathulets  Bay, 
and  at  Salem,  and  at  many  other  places  ;  and  they  are 
the  better,  because  for  strangers  there  is  a  very  difficult 
and  dangerous  passage  into  them  ;  but  unto  such  as  are 
well  acquainted  with  them  they  are  easy  and  safe  enough. 
The  abundance  of  sea-fish  are  almost  beyond  believ 
ing  ;  and  sure  I  should  scarce  have  believed  it,  except  I 
had  seen  it  with  mine  own  eyes.  I  saw  great  store  of 
whales,  and  grampuses,  and  such  abundance  of  mack- 

1  Probably  the  moose.     The  lions  were  imaginary. 

2  The  flying-squirrel,  which  has  a  membrane  connecting  the  fore  and 
hind  paws  on  each  side. 


350  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY   COLONY. 

erels,  that  it  would  astonish  one  to  behold  ;  likewise 
codfish,  abundance  on  the  coast,  and  in  their  season 
are  plentifully  taken.  There  is  a  fish  called  a  bass,  a 
most  sweet  and  wholesome  fish  as  ever  I  did  eat :  it 
is  altogether  as  good  as  our  fresh  salmon  ;  and  the 
season  of  their  coming  was  begun  when  we  came  first 
to  New  England  in  June,  and  so  continued  about  three 
months'  space.  Of  this  fish  our  fishers  take  many 
hundreds  together,  which  I  have  seen  lying  on  the 
shore,  to  my  admiration.  Yea,  their  nets  ordinarily 
take  more  than  they  are  able  to  haul  to  land  :  and,  for 
want  of  boats  and  men,  they  are  constrained  to  let  a 
many  go  after  they  have  taken  them  ;  and  yet  some 
times  they  fill  two  boats  at  a  time  with  them.  And, 
besides  bass,  we  take  plenty  of  skate  and  thornback,  and 
abundance  of  lobsters  ;  and  the  least  boy  in  the  planta 
tion  may  both  catch  and  eat  what  he  will  of  them. 
For  my  own  part,  I  was  soon  cloyed  with  them,  they 
were  so  great  and  fat  and  luscious.  I  have  seen  some 
myself  that  have  weighed  sixteen  pound ;  but  others 
have  had,  divers  times,  so  great  lobsters  as  have 
weighed  twenty-five  pound,  as  they  assured  me.  .  .  . 

Of  the  Air  of  New  E7igland. 

The  temper  of  the  air  of  New  England  is  one  special 
thing  that  commends  this  place.  Experience  doth 
manifest  that  there  is  hardly  a  more  healthful  place  to 
be  found  in  the  world  that  agreeth  .better  with  our  Eng 
lish  bodies.  Many  that  have  been  weak  and  sickly  in 
Old  England,  by  coming  hither  have  been  thoroughly 
healed,  and  grown  healthful  and  strong  ;  for  here  is  a 
most  extraordinary  clear  and  dry  air,  that  is  of  a  most 


OF    THE    AIR    OF    NEW    ENGLAND.  351 

healing  nature  to  all  such  as  are  of  a  cold,  melancholy, 
phlegmatic,  rheumatic  temper  of  body.  None  can 
more  truly  speak  hereof  by  their  own  experience  than 
myself.  My  friends  that  knew  me  can  well  tell  how 
very  sickly  I  have  been,  and  continually  in  physic.  .  .  . 

And  I  that  have  not  gone  without  a  cap  for  many 
years  together,  neither  durst  leave  off  the  same,  have 
now  cast  away  my  cap,  and  do  wear  none  at  all  in  the 
daytime.  And  whereas  beforetime  I  clothed  myself 
with  double  clothes  and  thick  waistcoats  to  keep  me 
warm,  even  in  the  summer-time,  I  do  now  go  as  thin 
clad  as  any.  .  .  .  Besides,  I  have  one  of  my  children, 
that  was  formerly  most  lamentably  handled  with  sore 
breaking  out  of  both  his  hands  and  feet,  of  the  king's- 
evil ;  but  since  he  came  hither  he  is  very  well  [as]  ever  he 
was,  and  there  is  hope  of  perfect  recovery  shortly,  even 
by  the  very  wholesomeness  of  the  air,  altering,  digest 
ing,  and  drying  up  the  cold  and  crude  humors  of  the 
body ;  and  therefore  I  think  it  is  a  wise  course  for  all 
cold  complexions  to  come  to  take  physic  in  New  Eng 
land  ;  for  a  sup  of  New  England's  air  is  better  than  a 
whole  draught  of  Old  England's  ale. 

In  the  summer-time,  in  the  midst  of  July  and  August, 
it  is  a  good  deal  hotter  than  in  Old  England  ;  and  in 
winter  January  and  February  are  much  colder,  so  they 
say;  but  the  spring  and  autumn  are  of  a  middle 
temper. 

Fowls  of  the  air  are  plentiful  here,  and  of  all  sorts  as 
we  have  in  England,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  and  a  great 
many  of  strange  fowls  which  we  know  not.  Whilst  I 
was  writing  these  things,  one  of  our  men  brought  home 
an  eagle  which  he  had  killed  in  the  wood :  they  say 


352  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

they  are  good  meat.  Also  here  are  many  kinds  of 
excellent  hawks,  both  sea-hawks  and  land-hawks ;  and 
myself  walking  in  the  woods,  with  another  in  company, 
sprung  a  partridge  so  big,  that  through  the  heaviness  of 
his  body  could  fly  but  a  little  way :  they  that  have  killed 
them  say  they  are  as  big  as  our  hens.  Here  are  like 
wise  abundance  of  turkeys  often  killed  in  the  woods, 
far  greater  than  our  English  turkeys,  and  exceeding  fat, 
sweet,  and  fleshy  •  for  here  they  have  abundance  of  feed 
ing  all  the  year  long,  as  strawberries,  —  in  summer  all 
places  are  full  of  them,  —  and  all  manner  of  berries  and 
fruits.  In  the  winter-time  I  have  seen  flocks  of  pigeons, 
and  have  eaten  of  them.  They  do  fly  from  tree  to  tree, 
as  other  birds  do,  which  our  pigeons  will  not  do  in 
England.  They  are  of  all  colors,  as  ours  are  ;  but  their 
wings  and  tails  are  much  longer ;  and  therefore  it  is 
likely  they  fly  swifter  to  escape  the  terrible  hawks  in 
this  country.  In  winter-time  this  country  doth  abound 
with  wild  geese,  wild  ducks,  and  other  sea-fowl,  that  a 
great  part  of  winter  the  planters  have  eaten  nothing 
but  roast  meat  of  divers  fowls  which  they  have  killed. 

Of  the  Fire  of  New  England. 

Thus  you  have  heard  of  the  earth,  water,  and  air  of 
New  England.  Now  it  may  be  you  expect  something 
to  be  said  of  the  fire,  proportionable  to  the  rest  of  the 
elements. 

Indeed,  I  think  New  England  may  boast  of  this  ele 
ment  more  than  of  all  the  rest.  For  though  it  be  here 
somewhat  cold  in  the  winter,  yet  here  we  have  plenty  of 
fire  to  warm  us,  and  that  a  great  deal  cheaper  than 
they  sell  billets  and  fagots  in  London  :  nay,  all  Europe 


OF    THE    FIRE    OF    NEW    ENGLAND.  353 

is  not  able  to  afford  to  make  so  great  fires  as  New  Eng 
land.  A  poor  servant  here,  that  is  to  possess  but  fifty 
acres  of  land,  may  afford  to  give  more  wood  for  timber 
and  fire,  as  good  as  the  world  yields,  than  many  noble 
men  in  England  can  afford  to  do.  Here  is  good  living 
for  those  that  love  good  fires.  And  although  New 
England  have  no  tallow  to  make  candles  of,  yet,  by  the 
abundance  of  the  fish  thereof,  it  can  afford  oil  for 
lamps.  Yea,  our  pine-trees,  that  are  the  most  plentiful 
of  all  wood,  doth  allow  us  plenty  of  candles,  which  are 
very  useful  in  a  house ;  and  they  are  such  candles  as 
the  Indians  commonly  use,  having  no  other ;  and  they 
are  nothing  else  but  the  wood  of  the  pine-tree  cloven  in 
two  little  slices  something  thin,  which  are  so  full  of 
turpentine  and  pitch,  that  they  burn  as  clear  as  a  torch. 
I  have  sent  you  some  of  them  that  you  may  see  the 
experience  of  them. 

New  England's  Discommodities}- 

Thus  of  New  England's  commodities.  Now  I  will 
tell  you  of  some  discommodities  that  are  here  to  be 
found. 

First,  in  the  summer  season,  for  these  three  months 
June,  July,  and  August,  we  are  troubled  much  with  little 
flies  called  mosquitoes,  being  the  same  they  are  troubled 
with  in  Lincolnshire  and  the  fens  ;  and  they  are  nothing 
but  gnats,  which,  except  they  be  smoked  out  of  their 
houses,  are  troublesome  in  the  night  season. 

Secondly,  in  the  winter  season,  for  two  months'  space, 
the  earth  is  commonly  covered  with  snow,  which  is 
accompanied  with  sharp,  biting  frosts,  something  more 
1  Inconveniences. 


354  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

sharp  than  is  in  Old  England,  and  therefore  are  forced 
to  make  great  fires. 

Thirdly,  this  country,  being  very  full  of  woods  and 
wildernesses,  doth  also  much  abound  with  snakes  and 
serpents,  of  strange  colors  and  huge  greatness.  Yea, 
there  are  some  serpents,  called  rattlesnakes,  that  have 
rattles  in  their  tails,  that  will  not  fly  from  a  man  as 
others  will,  but  will  fly  upon  him,  and  sting  him  so  mor 
tally  that  he  will  die  within  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after, 
except  the  party  stinged  have  about  him  some  of  the 


OLD    PLANTERS    HOUSE   AT    SALEM. 


root  of  an  herb  called  snake-weed  to  bite  on ;  and  then 
he  shall  receive  no  harm.  But  yet  seldom  falls  it  out 
that  any  hurt  is  done  by  these.  About  three  years 
since,  an  Indian  was  stung  to  death  by  one  of  them  ; 
but  we  heard  of  none  since  that  time. 

Fourthly  and  lastly,  here  wants  as  yet  the  good  com 
pany  of  honest  Christians,  to  bring  with  them  horses, 
kine,  and  sheep,  to  make  use  of  this  fruitful  land. 
Great  pity  it  is  to  see  so  much  good  ground  for  corn 
and  for  grass  as  any  is  under  the  heavens,  to  lie  alto- 


A    SEA-ADVENTURE    OF    THE    PURITANS.  355 

gether  unoccupied,  when  so  many  honest  men  and  their 
families  in  Old  England,  through  the  populousness 
thereof,  do  make  very  hard  shift  to  live  one  by  the 
other. 


IV.  —  A  SEA-ADVENTURE  OF  THE  PURITAN  COLONISTS. 

[Governor  John  Winthrop,  with  a  large  number  of  colonists,  sailed  from 
England  in  April,  1630.  Seventeen  vessels  came  to  the  Massachusetts 
Colony  that  year,  bringing  nearly  a  thousand  people.  England  was  then 
at  war  with  Spain  ;  and  many  Spanish  cruisers  made  their  rendezvous  at 
Dunkirk,  and  other  ports  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  whence  they  were 
called  "  Dunkirkers."] 

APRIL  9.  —  In  the  morning  we  descried  from  the  top, 
eight  sail  astern  of  us,  whom  Captain  Lowe  told  us  he 
had  seen  at  Dunnose  in  the  evening.  We  supposing 
they  might  be  Dunkirkers,  our  captain  caused  the  gun 
room  and  gundeck  to  be  cleared.  All  the  hammocks 
were  taken  down,  our  ordnance  loaded,  and  our  powder- 
chests  and  fireworks  made  ready,  and  our  landmen 
quartered  among  the  seamen,  and  twenty-five  of  them 
appointed  for  muskets,  and  every  man  written  down  for 
his  quarter.1 

The  wind  continued  north,  with  fair  weather  ;  and 
after  noon  it  calmed,  and  we  still  saw  those  eight  ships 
to  stand  towards  us.  Having  more  wind  than  we,  they 
came  up  apace  :  so  as  our  captain,  and  the  masters  of 
our  consorts,  were  more  occasioned  to  think  they  might 
be  Dunkirkers  ;  for  we  were  told  at  Yarmouth  that  there 
were  ten  sail  of  them  waiting  for  us.  Whereupon  we 
all  prepared  to  fight  with  them,  and  took  down  some 

1  i.e.,  assigned  to  a  certain  place  in  the  ship. 


356  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

cabins  which  were  in  the  way  of  our  ordnance  ;  and  out 
of  every  ship  were  thrown  such  bed-matters  as  were 
subject  to  take  fire  ;  and  we  heaved  out  our  long-boats, 
and  put  up  our  waist-cloths,1  and  drew  forth  our  men, 
and  armed  them  with  muskets  and  other  weapons,  and 
instruments  for  fireworks  ;  and,  for  an  experiment,  our 
captain  shot  a  ball  of  wildfire,  fastened  to  an  arrow,  out 
of  a  crossbow,  which  burnt  in  the  water  a  good  time. 

The  Lady  Arbella 2  and  the  other  women  and  children 
were  removed  into  the  lower  deck,  that  they  might  be 
out  of  danger.  All  things  being  thus  fitted,  we  went 
to  prayer  upon  the  upper  deck.  It  was  much  to  see 
how  cheerful  and  comfortable  all  the  company  appeared. 
Not  a  woman  or  child  that  showed  fear,  though  all  did 
apprehend  the  danger  to  have  been  great,  if  things  had 
proved  as  might  well  be  expected ;  for  there  had  been 
eight  against  four,  and  the  least  of  the  enemy's  ships 
were  reported  to  carry  thirty  brass  pieces.  But  our 
trust  was  in  the  Lord  of  hosts  ;  and  the  courage  of  our 
captain,  and  his  care  and  diligence,  did  much  encourage 
us. 

It  was  now  about  one  of  the  clock,  and  the  fleet 
seemed  to  be  within  a  league  of  us  :  therefore  our  cap 
tain,  because  he  would  show  he  was  not  afraid  of  them, 
and  that  he  might  see  the  issue  before  night  should 
overtake  us,  tacked  about,  and  stood  to  meet  them. 
And,  when  we  came  near,  we  perceived  them  to  be  our 
friends,  —  the  "  Little  Neptune,"  a  ship  of  some  twenty 

1  To  protect  the  sides  of  the  vessel. 

2  Lady  Arbella  Johnson,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  and  wife  of 
Isaac  Johnson,  to  whom  the  settlement  of  Boston  was  chiefly  due.     She 
died  soon  after  her  arrival. 


GOVERNOR    WINTHROP. 


357 


pieces  of  ordnance,  and  her  two  consorts,  bound  for  the 
straits  ;  a  ship  of  Flushing,  and  a  Frenchman,  and  three 
other  English  ships,  bound  for  Canada  and  Newfound 
land.  So,  when  we  drew  near,  every  ship,  as  they  met, 
saluted  each  other,  and  the  musketeers  discharged  their 
small  shot ;  and  so,  God  be  praised  !  our  fear  and  danger 
was  turned  into  mirth  and  friendly  entertainment. 


V. — GOVERNOR  WINTHROP'S  NIGHT  OUT  OF  DOORS. 

THE  governor,  being  at  his  farm-house  at  Mistick,1 
walked  out  after  supper,  and  took  a  piece  2  in  his  hand, 
supposing  he  might  see  a  wolf ;  for  they  came  daily 
about  the  house,  and  killed  swine  and  calves,  &c.  And, 
being  about  half  a  mile  off, 
it  grew  suddenly  dark,  so 
as  in  coming  home  he  mis 
took  his  path,  and  went  till 
he  came  to  a  little  house 
of  Sagamore  John,3  which 
stood  empty.  There  he 
staid  ;  and,  having  a  piece 
of  match  in  his  pocket, — for 
he  always  carried  about  him 
match  and  a  compass,  and, 
in  summer-time,  snakeweed, 
—  he  made  a  good  fire  near 
the  house,  and  lay  down  upon  some  old  mats  which  he 

1  A  part  of  Medford,  Mass.  The  farm  still  retains  the  name  which  he 
gave  it,  —  "  Ten-HUls  Farm."  2  Gun. 

3  This  chief  is  described  by  Governor  Dudley  as  "a  handsome  young 
man,  conversant  with  us,  affecting  English  apparel  and  houses,  and  speak 
ing  well  of  our  God." 


GOVERNOR    WINTHROP. 


358  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY   COLONY. 

found  there,  and  so  spent  the  night,  sometimes  walking 
by  the  fire,  sometimes  singing  psalms,  and  sometimes 
getting  wood,  but  could  not  sleep.  It  was,  through 
God's  mercy,  a  warm  night,1  but,  a  little  before  day,  it 
began  to  rain  ;  and,  having  no  cloak,  he  made  shift 
by  a  long  pole  to  climb  up  into  the  house.  In  the 
morning,  there  came  thither  an  Indian  squaw ;  but, 
perceiving  her  before  she  had  opened  the  door,  he 
barred  her  out :  yet  she  staid  there  a  great  while, 
essaying  to  get  in,  and  at  last  she  went  away,  and  he 
returned  safe  home,  his  servants  having  been  much 
perplexed  for  him,  and  having  walked  about,  and  shot 
off  pieces,  and  hallooed  in  the  night ;  but  he  heard 
them  not. 


VI.  —  THE  PRIVATIONS  OF  THE  PURITANS. 

Now  coming  into  this  country,  I  found  it  a  vacant 
wilderness  in  respect  of  English.  There  were,  indeed, 
some  English  at  Plymouth  and  Salem,  and  some  few  at 
Charlestown,  who  were  very  destitute  when  we  came 
ashore  ;  and,  planting-time  being  past  shortly  after,  pro 
vision  was  not  to  be  had  for  money.  I  wrote  to  my 
friends,  namely,  to  my  dear  father,  to  send  me  some 
provision ;  which  accordingly  he  did,  and  also  gave 
order  to  one  of  his  neighbors  to  supply  me  with  what  I 
needed,  he  being  a  seaman,  who,  coming  hither,  sup 
plied  me  with  divers  things.  .  .  .  Fish  was  a  good  help 
to  me  and  others.  Bread  was  so  very  scarce,  that 
sometimes  I  thought  the  very  crusts  of  my  father's 
i  Oct.  ii,  1631 


THE    PRIVATIONS    OF    THE    PURITANS. 


359 


table  would  have  been  very  sweet  unto  me.  And,  when 
I  could  have  meal  and  water  and  salt  boiled  together, 
it  was  so  good,  who  could  wish  better  ? 

In  our  beginning,  many  were  in  great  straits  for  want 
of  provision  for  themselves  and  their  little  ones.  Oh 
the  hunger  that  many  suffered,  and  saw  no  hope  in  an 


FAMINE   AMONG   THE    PILGRIMS. 


eye  of  reason  to  be  supplied,  only  by  clams  and  mus 
sels  and  fish !  We  did  quickly  build  boats,  and  some 
went  a-fishing.  But  bread  was  with  many  a  very  scarce 
thing,  and  flesh  of  all  kind  as  scarce. 

And  in  those  days,  in  our  straits,  though  I  cannot 
say  God  sent  a  raven  to  feed  us,  as  he  did  the  prophet 
Elijah,  yet  this  I  can  say  to  the  praise  of  God's  glory, 
that  he  sent  not  only  poor  ravenous  Indians,  who  came 


360  THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY   COLONY. 

with  their  baskets  of  corn  on  their  backs  to  trade  with 
us,  which  was  a  good  supply  unto  many ;  but  also  sent 
ships  from  Holland  and  Ireland  with  provisions,  and 
Indian  corn  from  Virginia,  to  supply  the  wants  of  his 
dear  servants  in  this  wilderness,  both  for  food  and  rai 
ment.  And  when  people's  wants  were  great,  not  only 
in  one  town,  but  in  divers  towns,  such  was  the  godly 
wisdom,  care,  and  prudence  —  not  selfishness,  but  self- 
denial  —  of  our  Governor  Winthrop  and  his  assistants, 
that,  when  a  ship  came  laden  with  provisions,  they  did 
order  that  the  whole  cargo  should  be  bought  for  a  gen 
eral  stock ;  and  so  accordingly  it  was,  and  distribution 
was  made  to  every  town,  as  every  man  had  need. 
Thus  God  was  pleased  to  care  for  his  people  in  times 
of  straits,  and  to  fill  his  servants  with  food  and  glad 
ness.  Then  did  all  the,  servants  of  God  bless  his  holy 
name,  and  love  one  another  with  pure  hearts  fervently. 
In  those  days  God  did  cause  his  people  to  trust  in 
him,  and  to  be  contented  with  mean  things.  It  was 
not  accounted  a  strange  thing  in  those  days  to  drink 
water,  and  to  eat  samp  or  hominy  without  butter  or 
milk.  Indeed,  it  would  have  been  a  strange  thing  to 
see  a  piece  of  roast  beef,  mutton,  or  veal ;  though  it 
was  not  long  before  there  was  roast  goat.  After  the 
first  winter,  we  were  very  healthy,  though  some  of  us 
had  no  great  store  of  corn.  The  Indians  did  some 
times  bring  corn,  and  truck  with  us  for  clothing  and 
knives ;  and  once  I  had  a  peck  of  corn,  or  thereabouts, 
for  a  little  puppy-dog.  Frost-fish,  mussels,  and  clams, 
were  a  relief  to  many.  If  our  provision  be  better  now 
than  it  was  then,  let  us  not,  and  do  you,  dear  children, 
take  heed  that  you  do  -not,  forget  the  Lord  our  God. 


THE    PRIVATIONS    OF    THE    PURITANS.  361 

You  have  better  food  and  raiment  than  was  in  former 
times;  but  have  you  better  hearts  than  your  fore 
fathers  had  ?  If  so,  rejoice  in  that  mercy,  and  let  New 
England  then  shout  for  joy.  Sure,  all  the  people  of 
God  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  that  shall  hear  that 
the  children  and  grandchildren  of  the  first  planters  of 
New  England  have  better  hearts  and  are  more  heav 
enly  than  their  predecessors,  they  will  doubtless  greatly 
rejoice,  and  will  say,  "  This  is  the  generation  whom  the 
Lord  hath  blessed." 


INDEX. 


A. 


Agouhanna,  115. 

Air  of  New  England,  The,  350,  351. 

Alaniz,  De,  90. 

Amadas,  Captain  Philip,  177,  179,  199. 

Ameyro,  44. 

Amonate,  252. 

Anderson's  "  Norsemen  in  America,"  9. 

Anne,    Queen   (of    England),  258,  259, 

260,  262. 

Appamatuck,  Queen  of,  245. 
Aquixo,  132. 

Argall,  Captain  Samuel,  262. 
Anas,  Peter,  12 1. 
Asher,  G.  M.,  54,  280. 
Audusta,  King,  150,  153. 


B. 


Bancroft's    "History    of    the     United 

States,"  60. 

Barentsen,  Pieter,  307. 
Barlowe,  Arthur,  177. 
Barre,  Nicolas,  152. 
Bartholomew,  164. 
Bassaba,  223. 

Bay  of  Chaleur  visited,  99. 
Beaufort  River,  Ruins  on,  148. 
Beauhaire,  Monsieur  De,  161. 
Beiialosa,  Captain,  77,  81. 
Bennet,  298,  300,  301. 
Biarni,  3,  4,  5,  6. 
Bilhngton,  Francis,  332. 
Birds,  American,  352. 
Bouwensz,  Tymen,  307. 
Bradford,  Governor  William,  314,  318. 
Brereton,  John,  202,  203,  213. 
Brodhead,  J.  R.,  280. 
Bute,  Michael,  300,  301,  302. 


c. 


Cabot  and  Verrazzano,  53-70. 
John,  55. 
J.  Elliot,  2. 
Sebastian,  56-59. 

Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Voyage  of,  71-96. 

Canada,  The  French  in,  97-118,  267. 

Cape  Cod  visited  by  Standish,  312. 

Caribbees,  The,  21,  23,  28,  29,  35,39, 
50. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  58,  97-118. 

Carver,  Governor,  319,  337. 

Cassen,  George,  237,  238. 

Castillo,  Alonzo  del,  77,  90. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  on  the  war-path, 
267-278. 

Chanca,  Dr.,  26. 

Charlesfort,  148,  149,  152. 

Chemin,  John  du,  165. 

Children,  Indian,  251. 

Clap,  Captain  Roger,  339,  358-361. 

Clement,  Francis,  301. 

Cleveland,  H.  R.,  280. 

Cogswell,  J.  G.,  54. 

Coleridge's  "  Ancient  Manner,"  83. 

Coligny,  Admiral  De,  143. 

Colman,  John,  284. 

Colonies  in  New  England,  unsuccess 
ful,  201-228. 

Colonies,  The  lost,  of  Virginia,  175-200. 

Colonists  in  Virginia,  Smith's  descrip 
tion  of,  234. 

Colony,  Massachusetts  Bay,  339-3^2. 
Plymouth,  225,  309-338. 
Popham,  223. 

Virginia   (first),    186 ;    (second)    189 ; 
Captain  John  Smith's,  229-263. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  Letters  of,  19- 
39  ;  appeal  of  in  his  old  age,  51  ;  and 
his  companions,  17-52. 

Columbus,  Diego,  51. 

363 


INDEX. 


Company,  London,  222. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  341. 

Plymouth,  222. 

West  India,  303. 
Cooke,  Captain,  198. 
Coppin,  Master,  326. 
Corn,  Indian,  Profitableness  of,  348. 
Couexis,  King,  150. 
Croatoan,  192,  193,  197. 
Crol,  S.  J.,  305. 
Cudruaigny,  no. 


D. 

Danusco,  John,  136. 

Dare,  Ananias,  194. 
Eleanor,  194. 
Virginia,  194,  200. 

Davies,  James,  223. 
Captain  Richard,  223. 
Captain  Robert,  223,  224. 

De  Costa,  B.  F.,  9. 

De  Soto,  Ferdinando,  96,  119  140. 

Digby,  224. 

Domagaia,  105,  106,  109,  no. 

Donnacona,  105,  106,  107,  110. 

Dorantes,  Andres,  77,  90. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  187. 

Dudley,  Governor,  357. 

Dunkirkers,  355. 

Dutch  chronicles  of  the  New  Nether 
lands,  303-308. 


Earth  of  New  England.  The,  347. 

Earthly  paradise,  The,  26. 

Eirek,  the  Red,  312. 

Endicott,  Governor  John,  341,345,  346. 

Escobar,  40. 


F. 

Fabian,  Robert,  56. 
Faner,  Sidrack,  302. 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  16,  25,  27,  37, 

5*>  52- 

Ferdinando,  190,  191. 
Ferdinando,  Simon,  179. 
Fire  of  New  England,  The,  352. 
"  First  encounter,"  The,  of    Pilgrims, 

3r9- 

Fish  in  New  England,  350. 
Florida  visited,  73.,  125,  141. 
Francis  I.  (of  France),  60,  99,  103. 


Frederycke,  Master  Kryn,  305. 
French  in  Canada,  The,  97-118. 
in  Florida,  The,  141-212. 


G. 


Gallegos,  Baltasar  de,  124,  126,  131. 

Gardar,  3  . 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  169-174. 

Captain  Raleigh,  222-227. 
Gloucester  (Mass.)  harbor,  344,  349. 
Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  335. 
Gosnold    (or    Gosnoll),    Bartholomew, 

203-213,  222,  231,  232. 
Gourgues,  Dominic  de,  166. 
Granganimeo,  180. 

Wife  of,  184. 
Greene,  Henry,  296-301. 
Gregory  XIII.,  Pope,  290,  328. 
Grenville  (or  Greenville),  Sir  Richard, 

188,  190,  193. 

Guachoya,  Cagique  of,  135,  139. 
Gudrid,  14. 
Guernache,  151. 


H. 


Hackit,  Thomas,  143. 

Hais,  John  de,  165. 

Hakluyt  Society,  Publications  of,  18,  54, 
120,  142,  202,  280. 

Hakluyt's  voyages,  54,  98,  142,  169,  176. 

Harlow,  Captain,  223. 

Hawkins,  Captain  John,  161. 

Heckewelder,  Reverend  John,  290. 

Henry  VII.,  King  (of  England),  57,  58. 

Henulf,  3,  6. 

Higginson,  Reverend  Francis,  341-355- 

Hiliard,  G.  S.,  230. 

Hochelaga  (now  Montreal),  in, 

Holland,  Lords  States-General  of,  303. 

Hopkins,  Steven,  314,  334- 

Howe,  George,  191. 

Huarco,  43. 

Hudson,  Henry,  and  the  New  Nether 
lands,  279-308;  last  voyage  of,  296- 
303. 

Hudson.  John,  302. 

Hunt,  Captain,  335. 
Robert,  231. 

Huyck,  Jan,  305. 

I. 

Indians,  Canadian,  100,  105,  108,  in, 
114. 


INDEX. 


Indians,  Caribbean,  21,  23,29,35,39,  50. 
Florida,  124,  127,  144,  149,  156. 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  75,  83,  88,  91,  93. 
Hudson  River,  283,  290. 
Mississippi  River,  131,  135,  138. 
New  England,   1 1,  65,  204,  213,  225. 

320,  333,  357- 

Virginia,  79,  184,  192,232,237,242,  251. 
Boats  of,  24,  65,  183. 
Children  of,  251. 
Ill-treatment  of,  by  colonists,  n,  6^, 

124,  188,  219,234,  307,  335. 
Kindness  of.  to  colonists,  22,  (>i,  84, 

101,  105,  in,  i So,  186,234,286. 
Mode  of  warfare  of,  29,  92,  124,  270, 

325- 

Religious  ceremonies  of,  242,  250. 
Taken  to  England,  57,  221,257,  335. 
Village,  184. 


J- 


James  I.  (of  England),  222. 
Jean,  Francis,  163. 
John,  Sagamore,  357. 
Johnson,  Isaac,  356. 
Lady  Arbella,  356. 
Jones,  Master,  314,  319,  326,  332. 
Juet,  Robert,  281,  300,  303. 


K. 


Karlsefni,  12-15. 
Kendall,  George,  233. 
Kennebec  River,  Colony  on,  222. 
King,  Henry,  302. 

John,  299,  300. 
Kingsley,  Henry,  72. 
Kohl's  "  History  of  Discovery,"  9,  98. 
Krieckebeck,  Commander,  307. 


L. 

La  Chere,  151. 
La  Grange,  Monsieur,  162. 
La  Vigne,  Monsieur,  162. 
Lane,  Master  Ralph,  189,  191. 


Lincoln,  Earl  of,  355. 

Lions,  Supposed,  171,  349. 

Lobillo,  John  R.,  124,  126. 

Lodlo,  Arnold,  300,  302. 

Longfellow,  H.  W.,  poem  quoted,  168. 

Lowe,  Captain,  355. 

Lymer,  Richard,  223. 

Lys,  Monsieur  Du,  ^59,  161. 


M. 


Maccou,  King,  151,  153. 

Maine  Historical  Society,  98. 

Major,  R.  H.,  18. 

Malaga,  Monks  of,  335. 

Mannitto,  291,  293. 

Manteo,  192,  199. 

Martin,  John,  233. 

Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  339-362. 

Massasoit,  334. 

Mendez,  Diego,  his  daring  deeds,  39-50. 

Menendez,  Don  Pedro,  159,  164,  166. 

Minuit,  Honorable  Pieter,  305. 

Mississippi  River,  Discovery  of,  79,  96, 

132. 

Mococo,  128,  129,  130,  131. 
Molemaecker,  Frangois,  305. 
Moore,  Adam,  302. 
Moose  (Molke),  349. 
Moscoso,  Luysde,  138,  139. 
Moter,  298. 
Mourt's  Relation,  310. 
Mouy,  Sir  Charles  of,  99. 


N. 


Laudonniere,    Capta 

149-166. 
Le  Beau,  166. 
Lebenoa,  225. 
Leif  the  Lucky,  6-9,  12 
Lempo,  Jan,  305. 


Nantaquond,  258. 

Narvaez,  Pamphilo  de,  122,  127. 

New  England's  Discommodities,  353. 

New  style  (calendar),  290,  328. 

New  York  Historical  Society,  54. 

Newport,  Captain  Christopher,  231,  233. 

Northmen,  Legends  of,  1-16. 


O. 

I  O'Callaghan,  Dr.  E.  B.,  268,  280. 


Narrative   of,  j  Opechankanough,  239. 
Ortelius,  99. 
Ortiz,  John,  127-130. 
Ottigny,  158. 
Ouade,  150. 
Oviedo,  Lope  de,  83,  90,  91. 


366 


INDEX. 


p. 

Pamaunkee,  King  of,  238. 

Pantoja,  Captain,  So. 

Parkman,      Francis,       "  Pioneers      of 

France,"  98,  99,  142,  149,  268. 
Pasqualigo,  Lorenzo,  55. 
Penobscot  River  visited,  213. 
Perce,  Michael,  298. 
Pierria.  Captain  Albert  de  la,  148,  149, 

Pilgrims  at  Plymouth,  309-338. 
Pizarro.  Fernando,  121. 
Plymouth  (Mass.)  Colony,  309-338. 
Plymouth   Rock,  first  landing  on,  326  ; 

final  disembarkation  on,  328. 
Pocahontas,  241,  245,  252,  257-259. 
Popham,  George,  Captain,  222,  225. 

Sir  John,  225. 

Colony,  The,  222-225. 
Powhatan,  233,  244-248,  252,  257,  258, 

261,  262. 

Prickett,  Abacuk,  296. 
Princess,  Indian,  visit  to,  184,  249. 
Ptolemy,  36. 
Purchas,  William,  57. 
Puritans,    leaving   Delft    Haven,   341  ; 

sea-adventure  of,  355;  privations  of, 

353. 

Q. 

Quigalta,  Cagique  of,  136,  137. 
Quiyougkcosoucks,  238. 


R. 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  169,  177,  186,  188, 

189,  190,  203,  220. 
Ramusius,  John  B.,  58. 
Ratliffe,  J.,  Captain,  232,  233. 
Rawhunt,  246. 
Ribaut,  Captain  Jean,  in  Florida,  143- 

166 
Rolfe,  John,  257. 

Thomas,  263. 
Rosier,  James,  202. 


s. 

Saint  Cler,  Monsieur,  162. 
Salem  (Mass.)  harbor,  343,  349. 
Samoset,  337. 
Sanchez,  Raphael,  16. 
Satouriona,  157,  158. 


Scribner's  Monthly,  on  "  Pocahontas," 

245- 

Sea-adventure  of  Puritans,  355. 
Shakspeare,  William,  55,  221. 
Skraehngs,  The,  13,  14. 
Smith,  Buckingham,  72. 

Captain  John,  200,  229-266. 
Snorri,  14. 

Southey's  "  History  of  Brazil,"  96. 
Sparks,  Jared,  142. 
Spicer,  Edward,  191. 
Stadacona  (Quebec),  104. 
Staff e,  Philip,  302. 
Stafford,  Master,  192. 
Standish,  Miles,  312-319. 
Stowe,  John,  57. 
Strachey,  William,  200,   202,  222,  230, 

245- 
Stukely,  Sir  Thomas,  263. 


T. 

Taignoagny,  105,  106,  107,  109,  no. 
Tellez,  Captain,  77,  81. 
Theodore,  Don,  76. 
Thomas,  John,  298,  300,  301. 
Thorvalcl,  10-12. 
Tilley,  Edward,  314,  319. 
Tobacco  used  by  Indians,  336. 
Tyrker,  8. 

u. 

Ucita,  127,  128,  129,  J3o. 


V. 

Vaca,  Cabeza  (or  Cabeca)  de,  Voyage 

of,  71-94,  122. 

Vasconselos,  Andrew  de,  122,  124. 
Verrazzano,  John  de,  Letter  of,  60-69, 

54.  99- 

Vetamatomakkin,  261. 
Vinland,  2,  9,  10. 
Virginia,  Colonies  in,  186,  189,  229,  263. 


w. 

Wassenaer's  "  Historic  van  Europa," 

280. 

Water  of  New  England,  The,  349. 
Waymouth,  Captain  George,  Voyage  of, 

202,  213-221. 


INDEX. 


367 


"Welcome,  Englishmen!  "  333. 
White,  Governor  John,  189,  196. 
Whittier's"  Norsemen,"  2. 
Wilson,  William,  296,  298,  299,300,  302. 
Wingfield,  E.  M.,  23 1,233- 
Wingina,  180. 

Winslow,  Governor  Edward,  310. 
Winthrop,    Governor   John,  355,    357* 
360. 


Worthington,  William,  59. 
Wydhouse,  Thomas,  302. 


Young's   "Chronicles    of    Plymouth,' 
310*,  of  Massachusetts,  340. 


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